Let me begin by making references to three notable literary works of Bangla literature. The first is a short story by Mahashewta Devi—Ajir. The other two are Ramapada Chowdhury's novels—Asroy and Kharij. All these three works revolve around domestic workers. Even though the plot of each work is different, their main focus is identical: even though we cannot survive without the services of domestic help, we use them for our vested interests, sometimes overtly, sometimes covertly. Domestic workers are linked to our families, but they are not part of our families.
Even though, historically, the labour markets for domestic workers spanned both rural and urban areas, in recent times the labour markets and employment of domestic workers have expanded quite substantially in urban areas, particularly in the capital city of Dhaka. The labour market of domestic workers in Dhaka city is significantly stratified, and that stratification critically depends on the residential location and the economic position of the employer, both of which are, of course, interrelated. The labour market for domestic workers in Dhaka is stratified in terms of three locations—the high-end Gulshan–Banani–Baridhara market for the richer-class residences; the market for upper-middle-class and middle-class residences; and the market for lower-middle-class residences. This disaggregation is undoubtedly a simplification of a complex structure, and there are exceptions and outliers. Furthermore, it is important to remember that the majority of domestic workers in Dhaka city are women, and thus this labour market for domestic work has a female face.
The Gulshan–Banani–Baridhara labour market for domestic workers is rather centralised and exclusive. This labour market has some specific traits—for example, the employers of this market are either expatriates or wealthy Bangladeshi families. The domestic workers who operate in this market are somewhat better qualified in terms of education and skill. Generally, they can prepare various kinds of cuisines, take better care of children, and have the skills to organise various household events. Sometimes, the entire responsibility of running the household rests with them. These domestic workers have specific and better job contracts, whose terms and conditions are favourable. For example, their working hours are determined a priori, with provisions for leave, better lodging if needed, and other benefits. Most of these domestic workers are Christians and come from indigenous backgrounds. Letters of reference from previous employers play a major role in their employment and job changes as well.
Domestic workers sometimes become victims of persecution and violence, which stretches from physical to emotional abuse. Physical abuse, denial of food, and extreme physical torture are parts of the punishment inflicted by employers on domestic workers.
In the second market, since most ladies of the house are service-holders working outside the home, the responsibilities of running the household, including taking care of children, are entrusted to domestic help. In this market, the domestic workers sometimes have better bargaining power, as a result of which the lady of the house becomes a hostage to them. In recent times, the salaries of workers in this market and their benefits have improved. Yet, the benefits that they enjoy are not the same as those in the first market. Domestic workers in this market are employed on the basis of recommendations from previous employers, neighbours, and acquaintances.
The third market for domestic workers is in a more disadvantageous position. Domestic workers in this market have low salaries, and their other benefits are rather limited. Therefore, children and teenagers are dominantly present in this market as domestic workers. Since the lady of the house carries out most of the household chores, the role of the domestic worker becomes that of a 'helper'. Naturally, the skill levels of domestic workers in this market are rather low, and the chances of their job mobility are also limited.
In Dhaka city, there are three forms of domestic labour employment: first, the in-house full-time employment, where the domestic worker resides in the house of the employer. The second is non-residential morning-to-afternoon employment. In general, the domestic workers who have their homes and families in the city work under this arrangement. Third, the part-time fixed-chores arrangement, where a domestic worker accomplishes some predetermined domestic chores during a fixed period of time. Once she finishes the work in one household, she goes to the next one. Under this arrangement, the major workload in any household comprises fetching water, cleaning dishes, tidying the house, washing clothes, etc. A worker in this market does not do anything either beyond the fixed chores or beyond the fixed time period. There is no provision of food for the domestic worker under this arrangement.
The economic conditions of domestic workers in Dhaka city vary among its three stratified markets. In the Gulshan–Banani–Baridhara market, the average monthly salary of a domestic worker ranges between Taka 15,000 and Taka 20,000. The employer provides their food. Along with some clothing, medicines for normal sickness are also supplied by the employer. The working hours of a worker in this market are normally 10 to 12 hours; they enjoy a weekly day off, and their annual leave may span from one to two weeks. If the worker is a full-time one, lodging for her is also provided in the household. In some cases, for entertainment, they may have access to a television.
Except for the salary and contractual terms and conditions, domestic workers working in middle-class households are rather loosely regulated. They are not strictly a priori determined; rather, there is an informal understanding about the terms and conditions of the job. In this market, an average monthly salary of Taka 5,000 to Taka 7,000 is often observed. Two meals a day, clothing during the Eid festivals, and an annual leave of one week are some of the features of this labour market. The employer provides medicines in cases of non-serious sickness. In this market, the lodging arrangements for domestic workers are of quite low quality. In most cases, they sleep at night in narrow verandas or on the kitchen floor with minimal bedding. Unlike the first labour market, the in-house workers in the market for middle-class households do not have separate rooms for themselves.
From the point of view of economic conditions, the domestic workers in lower-middle-class households are in the worst situation. Because of the nature of their labour, their indispensability is not at a high level, and because most of them are teenagers, they are placed in disadvantageous positions. Their monthly salary normally does not exceed Taka 2,000. They have the provision of two meals a day, and their lodging arrangements are also of substandard quality. They mostly wear either the old clothes of the children of the households or the clothing outgrown by the kids. However, in some households, efforts are made for their literacy.
The domestic workers are often under economic pressure. Many of them have minor children or school-going kids at home. The question is, when they go to somebody else's place to work, who is minding their own children and taking care of them? Sometimes, the domestic workers themselves have to hire babysitters to ensure the welfare of their children. Thus, they lose a part of their salary because they have to pay those who mind their kids.
A few more observations may be pertinent regarding the economic conditions of the domestic workers in Dhaka city. Some of those observations are positive, and some are negative. For example, at present, many households in the city treat their domestic help with care and kindness and provide many comforts, quite unlike the feudal treatment of domestic workers in the past. On the negative side, some employers do not pay the domestic workers on time and withhold a part of their salary as a means to prevent them from leaving the current job.
From a social point of view, many employers unfortunately think of domestic workers as sub-humans. Often, they forget that domestic workers are human, they also have human feelings, and they have come to work as domestic help because of human needs. Sometimes, they are offered only leftovers, and meat or fish do not make it into their meals. Sometimes, low-quality rice is used to prepare their meals, which are cooked separately. It is quite pathetic that when fruits are brought home, these workers cut and serve them, but they are deprived of the taste of those fruits. They are sometimes offered sweets, but only when they become rotten. Many families still pursue feudal norms and behaviours towards their domestic workers.
We should recognise that domestic workers are relatively weaker compared to other labour groups within the formal labour force of the country. Therefore, specific attention must be paid to their welfare, as there are particular personal and work hazards that they may face in their workplaces.
Domestic workers sometimes become victims of persecution and violence, which stretches from physical to emotional abuse. Physical abuse, denial of food, and extreme physical torture are parts of the punishment inflicted by employers on domestic workers. Physical abuses are mainly inflicted on teenage domestic workers, who are simply helpless. Emotional abuses range from preventing them from going home, constant suspicion of stealing, withholding their salaries, etc. In many instances, they are fined for simple mistakes or breaking things like ordinary cups and saucers. All these are parts of emotional persecution. On festive occasions or celebrations, these teenagers are given old, worn-out clothes of the employers' children.
One particular form of violence that domestic workers face is sexual violence. Sometimes such violence is reflected in sexual harassment; sometimes it becomes extreme in the form of rape. Because of fear of retaliation, domestic workers remain silent and do not reveal anything to others. If the lady of the house is informed of such incidents, sometimes the domestic workers themselves are blamed. So, these persecutions often remain unknown and unreported. Between 2008 and 2013, 300 domestic workers were reported in newspapers to have died because of persecution and violence.
In order to provide protection to domestic workers and to ensure their interests, Bangladesh formulated policies for the protection and welfare of domestic workers in 2015. These policies focused on the working conditions of domestic workers, their well-being and welfare, employer–employee relations, etc. Those policies also emphasised the rights of domestic workers, proper wages and salaries for them, as well as their other benefits, including leave, rest, and protection from child labour. Bangladesh has recently passed the Labour Law (Amendment) Ordinance 2025, which includes domestic workers under formal legal protection for the first time. Domestic workers are now included under the definition of 'labour' in the law, giving them the same legal rights and protections as other workers.
The fundamental question is what can be done for the well-being of domestic workers in Bangladesh. Some of these measures would be legal, some economic, and others social. It is heartening to see that the new labour law covers domestic workers as part of the formal labour law framework of the country. But the issue would be the implementation of that framework for domestic workers. We should recognise that domestic workers are relatively weaker compared to other labour groups within the formal labour force of the country. Therefore, specific attention must be paid to their welfare, as there are particular personal and work hazards that they may face in their workplaces. Thus, the issue of unionisation of domestic workers is of prime importance. The new law that allows domestic workers of Bangladesh to form their own unions should be used to mobilise these workers. In 2001, a national domestic workers' union for women was founded. That was the first initiative in the country to have a labour union for domestic workers. At present, this organisation is working in 24 areas of Dhaka city. Its work includes group meetings, night schools for domestic workers, etc. Five years later, in 2006, a network for the rights of domestic workers came into being. Right now, 26 organisations are members of this network, which include 14 human rights organisations and 12 labour unions. About 5,000 domestic workers are members of this network. All these initiatives are funded by Manusher Jonno Foundation and the International Labour Office (ILO). With the opportunity to form their own unions under the new labour law, these workers will become a strong collective body to fight for their rights and protect their interests.
From the economic perspective, three issues are important. One, rules and laws must be enacted for proper and equitable salary structures for domestic workers; there should be similar rules and regulations for other benefits for them. Two, the contributions of domestic workers must be integrated into the country's gross national product (GDP). This will not only recognise the contributions of domestic workers to the Bangladesh economy, but it will also strengthen their demands for better economic and social benefits. Three, more robust and credible data must be collected on domestic work and workers. The absence of such data, on one hand, dampens the awareness campaign for domestic workers' rights, but on the other, it also makes policymaking on domestic work difficult. In different public policies, strategies, and planning, the issue of domestic work is of significant importance.
In the social arena, the human and labour rights of domestic workers must be integrated into the policy and legal framework for domestic work. Along with this, the living arrangements of domestic workers at employers' houses must be improved to acceptable conditions. In addition, various social rights of domestic workers should be ensured. It goes without saying that the legal framework for domestic work must contain provisions to stop and redress all kinds of persecution and violence against domestic workers. Along with such a legal framework and policies, a social movement must be strengthened to enhance social awareness and human empathy.
In the global arena, a United Nations convention on domestic work and workers exists. The 189th ILO Domestic Workers Convention is quite a significant charter on domestic work. Till 2024, only 35 countries have ratified the ILO convention. Bangladesh has signed the convention but has not ratified it yet. Prompt measures must be undertaken in this respect.
Selim Jahan is former Director of the Human Development Report Office under the United Nations Development Programme and Lead Author of the Human Development Report.
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