The unfinished revolution for women's political rights
For more than five decades, women's representation in Bangladesh's national parliament, the place where political and state policies are shaped, has remained very low, despite the introduction of reserved seats for female candidates. Nonetheless, research shows that reserved seats do not translate into real political power for women. Thus, post July 2024, it became an important agenda for the discourse on female political participation.
Women's participation in the uprising was not merely symbolic; they stood at the forefront as leaders with agency and courage. Women's visibility is often strategically employed during political rallies—either to discourage law enforcement from using repressive tactics, or, if they are attacked, to generate public sympathy that can strengthen the movement. But in the July uprising, even if female students' participation in the earlier phase was strategic, once the killings started, women took charge with genuine leadership and decision-making power. Women from all walks of life—mothers, homemakers, doctors, teachers, journalists, regardless of their profession—took bold steps to protect students and other protesters, organised rallies, and provided shelter and other strategic support necessary to sustain the movement on the ground.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. 
As a result, it was expected that women would have a visible and central role in policymaking in the post-July discussions on political reform. However, we saw only a few women in the interim government cabinet. Besides, none of the three student advisers appointed to the cabinet were women. This immediately raised concerns that women were being sidelined. If you look at the photographs or screen grabs from August 5, 2024, the presence of women among anti-discrimination student leaders is hardly visible.
Later, we saw deliberate efforts from certain groups to restrict women's physical movement as well as rampant harassment of women in cyberspace. There were even some seminars and discussions on women's issues held in the capital, where all the speakers were men. This created a perception that women were being deliberately excluded.
There are both social and political reasons behind this exclusion. Politics in Bangladesh has never been a safe or welcoming space for women. It relies heavily on money and muscle power—areas where women are often perceived as disadvantaged. This perception has some basis: women still lack equal rights to property and wealth. Even the rights that religion grants to women are not fully realised in Bangladesh. Even working women often do not have full authority over their earnings. Major family decisions in a household, such as marriage, education, or medical spending, are still taken by men.
With little to no property ownership and limited control over their earnings, it becomes extremely difficult for women to participate in the money-driven world of electoral politics. Besides, politics is often conflict-ridden, and women are less visible in those confrontational spaces.
Patriarchal values, both in society and among women themselves, reinforce this exclusion. Families, the state, and even colleagues often create social and institutional barriers that prevent women from fully participating in political discussions. This has been blatantly displayed by the lack of females in the meetings of the all-male consensus commission, where political parties did not bring their female colleagues during the most important discussions about our politics.
Moreover, because most women receive little support from men in sharing household responsibilities, they bear a double burden—managing both domestic and professional duties—which becomes a triple burden when they also engage in activism. Since politics demands full-time commitment, many women hesitate to join this profession, not because of a lack of ability, but because the system makes it unsustainable for them.
Despite these structural barriers, we had hoped that the uprising would create an opportunity to strengthen women's political voice through greater representation in new political platforms and the interim government. Yet, the government delayed forming the Women's Affairs Reform Commission. When it was finally formed and the commission submitted its report, the members faced harassment and intimidation. Worst still, the government failed to stand by the commission members and did not include the report's suggestions in the consensus talks. This left many women feeling betrayed, with neither the government nor the political parties taking their concerns seriously.
Still, women continued to trust the reform process and saw it as a significant opportunity for increasing women's representation in parliament following both the Constitution Reform Commission and the Electoral Reform Commission's proposals. We expected that, after decades of reserved seats that failed to ensure genuine empowerment, the focus would now shift towards direct elections.
We, the Forum for Women's Political Rights, proposed that if our society is not yet ready for full direct elections, the reserved seats provision can continue temporarily, but the seats should be filled through direct voting. We also demanded that political parties increase the percentage of female candidates they nominate for general seats. The Representation of the People Order (RPO), 1972, required every political party to ensure 33 percent female representation in its committees by 2020, but parties repeatedly failed the deadline that was later extended to 2030 through an amendment in 2023. When we spoke with the parties, we were disappointed to see their reluctance to our most basic demands, such as 33 percent nominations for women. Reserved seats remained, without any promise of direct elections.
Another major concern for women in politics is the cost of elections. Given the role of money in politics, we have demanded reforms to ensure fairness. Specifically, we proposed that the government finance the campaign expenses of all female candidates as part of the gender budgeting framework, which the government already promotes internationally. The state should provide campaign funds to all female candidates who will later submit expenditure reports within three months, regardless of election results.
The fate of these proposals remains uncertain, as recent events offer little confidence that women's voices are being included in political decision-making. For example, many of the 32 political parties involved in the July Charter discussions had little or no real public support, yet they were invited to the table, while women, who make up half the population, were not. The government never formally met with women's groups or leaders to discuss the charter clauses, despite Bangladesh's long and respected history of women's movements. The complete exclusion of women from these processes is not just a failure; it is an embarrassment for the government and for the so-called "human rights champions" and NGO leaders who are part of it.
This is an opportunity lost due to the inaction and indifference of the government and our party leaders. The consensus-building process could have been a chance to include women, gender-diverse communities, and other marginalised groups in shaping a more inclusive, equitable Bangladesh. Unfortunately, they were left out. The system that women trusted has drawn a charter that hardly reflects the aspirations of women and these groups. Therefore, the Forum for Women's Political Rights has formally rejected the July Charter.
The forum met the Election Commission, political leaders, and civil society organisations through roundtables, conferences, and press briefings to demand that women be included in the political process in a meaningful way. We know we have not yet succeeded. But our fight for women's political rights will continue. This is a long race, and we are preparing for it. We will keep working, with even greater determination, in the days to come.
Dr Samina Luthfa is professor at the Department of Sociology in Dhaka University.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
Follow The Daily Star Opinion on Facebook for the latest opinions, commentaries and analyses by experts and professionals. To contribute your article or letter to The Daily Star Opinion, see our guidelines for submission.
Comments