When the interim government took office following the July uprising, it promised reform, stability, and a return to democracy. The mass uprising was driven by public frustration over authoritarian rule, corruption, and the suppression of civil liberties. The chief adviser even spoke of "pushing the reset button" to correct the country's trajectory. But six and a half months later, what exactly has been reset? Has the country moved towards meaningful reform, or has it merely replaced one form of crisis with another?

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Will the home adviser go big or go home?

Every uprising brings a period of turbulence, and it takes time to restore order. However, in Bangladesh's case, stability remains more elusive than ever. Law and order have deteriorated at an alarming rate. While under Sheikh Hasina's rule, people feared enforced disappearances and political repression, they now face a different kind of insecurity—an alarming rise in crime, lawlessness, and economic instability. Dhaka's streets are becoming increasingly unsafe, and the economic situation remains fragile.

A December 22 report by this daily (titled "City Dwellers on Edge as Mugging Runs Rampant") highlighted public anxiety over rising crime. Yet instead of addressing these concerns, the chief adviser's press wing contested the report as "misleading" in a Facebook post. This denialist approach is dangerous. If the government refuses to acknowledge problems, how can it hope to solve them?

The main spirit of the July uprising was to bring about genuine reform—both in governance and in the electoral process—to ensure a free and fair election that would restore democracy. The interim government has indeed taken steps in this direction—various reform commissions have submitted their recommendations, and a consensus commission has been established to engage stakeholders. On paper, these reforms seem promising.

However, the real challenge remains unaddressed—how will the mentality of the government, bureaucracy, police, and other institutions be reformed? The government appears to be in denial about its own shortcomings. The home affairs adviser and the spokesperson for the chief adviser continue to downplay the scale of the country's problems. Without a fundamental shift in governance culture, any institutional reforms will remain superficial.

There is no denying that Sheikh Hasina was an autocrat who used state machinery to suppress opposition, and accountability for those actions is necessary. But the way the current discourse blames the Awami League and its supporters for every crisis in the country is troubling. This mirrors the same political blame game that the Awami League itself played—seeing conspiracies everywhere and holding BNP and Jamaat responsible for all failures.

This approach does not solve the underlying governance crisis. Instead, it diverts attention from the lack of transparency, the absence of meaningful institutional reform, and the failure to address public grievances. If the interim government continues to operate in denial while scapegoating past political opponents for everything, it risks going down the same path as before, instead of changing the system that the uprising sought to overhaul.

What is even more concerning is the emergence of mobocracy—where governance is dictated by chaotic, unstructured forces rather than a central authority. In an autocratic regime, however repressive, there is at least a clear power structure. In a mobocracy, no one knows who is truly in control, making things differently dangerous. If a citizen faces injustice, where do they go? Who holds real authority? Without a structured system of accountability, lawlessness takes over.

The demand for the resignation of the home affairs adviser has been widely discussed. But would this resolve the deeper crisis? Likely not. A new face may take over, but they will need time to understand the complexities of governance, and the fundamental issues will remain. The real solution lies not in reshuffling officials but in acknowledging the problems and taking visible, decisive steps to address them.

The government must establish a clear electoral roadmap—one that outlines a transparent and credible plan for holding free and fair elections. Such a plan is vital for restoring public trust in the political process. Additionally, it must address structural governance issues. Reforming institutions goes beyond implementing new policies—it requires a fundamental shift in the culture of governance. This includes ensuring transparency in government appointments, promotions, and decision-making processes to foster accountability and public confidence.

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Make highways safe for passengers

The July uprising was a moment of reckoning for Bangladesh. It was supposed to be a turning point towards greater transparency, accountability, and democracy. Yet, six and a half months on, the government's actions suggest that many of the old patterns—denial, downplaying of criticism, and failure to address fundamental governance issues—are still in play.

If the interim government is serious about fulfilling the promises of the uprising, it must take concrete action now. Otherwise, the so-called reset will not have corrected Bangladesh's course—it will have merely returned it to a different form of instability.

Mohammad Al-Masum Molla is a journalist at The Daily Star. He can be reached at [email protected].

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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