Why the hush-hush about MPs’ perks and privileges?
![Earnings of Members of Parliament in Bangladesh Earnings of Members of Parliament in Bangladesh](https://images.thedailystar.net/sites/default/files/styles/very_big_201/public/images/2024/05/09/question_of_transparency_in_mps_pay_perks_and_privileges_b.jpg)
What makes an MP's job so attractive? Despite being a supposedly noble role in the service of the nation and constituents, it should not be judged solely on the basis of the rewards, financial or otherwise. However, the esteemed position they hold suddenly appears to be at risk of being discredited, at least according to Mujibul Haque Chunnu, the opposition chief whip, following the purported revelation of MPs' emoluments and allocations for individual constituencies by a newcomer.
Without mentioning the name of the newcomer in parliament, the Jatiya Party MP remarked, "We are all victims of what he said on his Facebook post." The accused in this case, against whom the opposition chief whip sought the speaker's intervention, is none other than the populist lawyer Syed Sayedul Haque Suman, who gained fame through social media, particularly Facebook live, and succeeded in entering parliament as an independent member in the 12th parliamentary election on January 7. His victory against the official nominee of the ruling party, former State Minister for Civil Aviation Md Mahbub Ali, raised many eyebrows. However, his populist politics is remarkably non-confrontational towards the government and the ruling party.
What was in Suman's offending Facebook post? According to Chunnu, "He [Suman] said, 'Do you know how much MPs get in salary? They don't say it, they hide it.' He said he got a salary of Tk 1,72,000 [monthly]." Chunnu further added, "He [Suman] said within three months, he had received an allocation of Tk 28 crore. How did he get that money?" He then alleged that after seeing the Facebook post, many people wanted to know from him where that money was going.
One essential hallmark of populism is that beneficiaries of an existing system exploit its weaknesses or negative elements from within. They manipulate facts in ways that benefit them while harming others. While the perks and privileges that MPs are entitled to are generous and enviable, the discretionary allocations, especially in terms of transparency and fairness, raise questions. Each MP receives an allocation of Tk 5 crore for their constituency, which adds to the controversy.
When Suman remarked that had he known the entitlements were so attractive, he would have pursued becoming an MP much earlier, it did not shock anyone among the wider public. Instead, Chunnu's attempt to draw the speaker's attention to stop Suman from discussing known and unknown financial benefits and power raises questions about what he wants to conceal. Some of those unknown financial gains come through influencing policies favouring businesses owned by MPs or their families. This huge accumulation of wealth was revealed in their asset statements given to the Election Commission during the nomination submission process.
A closer examination of both claims about MPs' emoluments makes one wonder if both Suman and Chunnu could be correct. If Suman referred to remuneration and all other allowances as "salary," then the total could exceed Tk 1,72,000. However, if the opposition chief whip wants to differentiate remuneration from allowances, he too would be correct in claiming that Suman's quoted figure is inaccurate.
MPs' salary and allowances were last raised in 2016, with some calculations suggesting that the total monthly earnings could be as high as Tk 2,89,325. The actual remuneration portion was increased to Tk 55,000 from the previous amount of Tk 27,500 awarded in 2012. Almost all allowances, from constituency to transport allowances, were raised by 80-90 percent. Interestingly, MPs' transport allowances are much higher than their remuneration. Unlike some parliamentary democracies, like the United Kingdom where an independent commission comprising various professionals recommend MPs' pay package, our MPs award themselves their remuneration and allowances.
By reviewing the footnotes in the Members of Parliament (Remuneration and Allowances) Order, 1973 (President's Order), one can easily understand how MPs' pay packages have grown, while the real wage in the country recorded a decline in 2017, and still remains behind the inflation rate. In addition to the healthy pay package, MPs enjoy perks such as residential plots at high-value neighbourhoods in the capital and tax-free automobiles. It's worth noting that some MPs have been convicted or faced prosecution for illegally profiting by selling those tax-free luxury cars. The provision of tax-free cars for MPs was first introduced by the late military ruler HM Ershad, the founder of Jatiya Party—the party Chunnu belongs to—and later expanded to allow more luxurious cars of higher capacities.
Reviewing the growth in MPs' rewards and other perks since independence, two critical facts emerge. First, the growth in the financial package of MPs over the last 15 years of Awami League rule was almost 350 percent, starting from Tk 15,000 in 2010. Secondly, parliamentarians' benefits and discretion for spending taxpayers' money without any accountability, in the form of special allocations for constituencies, have become a regular budgetary feature when democracy is at its weakest and the parliament's role in holding the executive to account has virtually disappeared.
Though ironic, people have very little faith in our political institutions and politicians compared to some social influencers, and the blame squarely falls on our political leaders. In this context, the opposition chief whip is right to realise that Facebook posts by one of his fellow MPs, who can influence public opinion, would further erode their credibility.
Kamal Ahmed is an independent journalist. His X handle is @ahmedka1
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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