From hope to disillusion: Human rights abuses under the interim government

There was widespread hope that, after the mass uprising, Bangladesh would finally see an end to extrajudicial killings, enforced disappearances, unlawful detention, and other serious human rights violations. The interim government set up a commission to investigate cases of enforced disappearance—a long-awaited step. Sadly, despite this gesture, extrajudicial killings, custodial deaths, mob violence and other forms of abuse have continued during its tenure. This is deeply disappointing.

According to human rights group Odhikar, 40 people have been victims of extrajudicial killings in the 14 months since the interim government assumed responsibility. Among them, 19 were shot dead, 14 died due to torture, and seven were beaten to death. Allegations have surfaced implicating the police, joint forces, and the army. What is particularly noteworthy is that, although the interim government has initiated investigations into enforced disappearances, no comparable initiative has been taken to investigate or prosecute extrajudicial killings and so-called "crossfires."

The persistence of such killings under the interim government demonstrates that little has changed within the country's law-enforcement agencies beyond the reshuffling of individuals. Without structural reform of the police, intelligence bodies, and other security forces, even basic human rights cannot be ensured. The UN Human Rights Office had recommended dissolving the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), restricting the Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB) to border-protection duties, and limiting DGFI strictly to military intelligence. But the interim government changed only the uniform, not the institutions—and the result is visible in the continuing rights violations.

Although the interim government has repeatedly stated that it opposes mob violence, its actions have not reflected a serious commitment. According to the human rights organisation Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), 220 people were killed in mob violence between August 2024 and September 2025. Many of these incidents were driven by personal, group, or business interests. If the government had ensured swift prosecution and exemplary punishment of the perpetrators, it would have sent a strong message that mob justice would not be tolerated. Instead, arrest rates remain extremely low.

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What's stopping the revival of rights and information commissions?

Prothom Alo's investigation into 46 mob violence incidents that killed 67 people over 13 months shows how weak the enforcement response has been. Of the 46 incidents, cases were filed in 36, while no cases were filed in 10. In the incidents where cases were filed, there were over 9,000 accused, including unidentified individuals. Among these, 114 people were arrested in 27 cases, resulting in an arrest rate of just 1.27 percent. Charge sheets have been submitted in only six cases.

Meanwhile, the military's crackdown on the Bawm ethnic community in Bandarban—initiated during the previous Awami League government under the pretext of suppressing the Kuki-Chin National Front (KNF)—has continued unabated under the interim government. Instead of targeting an armed group, the entire Bawm population appears to have been treated as collectively suspect, subjected to punitive restrictions.

According to Amnesty International, at least 126 Bawm civilians—including 30 women and children—were arrested without specific charges during April-May 2024 under the previous government. Over a year later, during the interim administration, some have obtained bail while others remain detained. Many are physically ill and psychologically distressed. Three Bawm detainees have died in custody.

Under the guise of KNF suppression, the military has imposed sweeping restrictions on the daily lives of the Bawm people. They require written permission from army camps to transport crops or travel outside the district. For example, according to an investigation by the Netra News, a Bawm resident from Paitong Para in Ruma upazila had to submit a formal, deferential written request to move 40 maunds of turmeric to market. Another resident needed military approval to travel to Dhaka for dental treatment.

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Violence, discrimination, and the failure to reform

By any measure, such blanket restrictions on civilians amount to serious violations of human rights and civil liberties. Collective punishment of an entire ethnic community is characteristic of occupying powers, not of a sovereign state's treatment of its own people. That such practices continue reflects the grim state of human rights in Bangladesh.

The human rights violations during the interim regime have drawn international attention as well. Human Rights Watch (HRW) in a statement issued on October 8, 2025, accused that thousands had been arrested under the interim government, many on dubious murder allegations, while scores were being held under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009. Between August 2024 and October 2025, there have been 45 custodial deaths, as per ASK data. Even two men died in police custody as recently as this Friday, with the families alleging torture in both cases. Many others also alleged mistreatment in custody, including lack of access to medical care. HRW specifically condemned the arrest of 16 individuals, including journalists and academics, who were detained under the anti-terrorism law on August 28 during a discussion organised by Mancha 71. Reporters Without Borders (RSF), in a statement issued on October 28, 2025, also condemned the arrests, including that of journalist Monjurul Alam (Panna), calling it evidence of the interim government's increasingly authoritarian tendencies.

Journalist Monjurul Alam was recently released on bail after spending more than two months in jail. Meanwhile, DB police, without a warrant, forcibly picked up a journalist and a businessman from their home late at night. Although the journalist was released after 10 hours, the incident once again revealed that law enforcement behaviour has not changed. In Sylhet, police detained 22 members of Socialist Party of Bangladesh (SPB) from the party's city office and another 16 activists of the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) from various locations for protesting the eviction of battery-run rickshaws. The way Sylhet Metropolitan Police picked up SPB and CPB activists relying merely on suspicion and invoking excuses such as "third-party instigation" and "creating instability" strongly echoes the repression tactics used by previous authoritarian governments to suppress dissent. In fact, throughout the interim government's tenure, police have often acted aggressively in suppressing protests by workers, teachers and other professional groups.

Taken together, the persistence of extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and human rights abuses shows that the expectations raised after the mass uprising have not been fulfilled. With elections approaching and only a few months left for the interim government, it remains to be seen whether any meaningful improvement will occur or whether this troubling continuity will become further entrenched.

Kallol Mustafa is an engineer and writer who focuses on power, energy, environment, and development economics. He can be reached at [email protected].

Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 

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