Exploring a new political paradigm
Welfare of the people is an indicator of a nation's success. In the 2024 World Happiness Index, Bangladesh ranks notably low, even falling behind Pakistan. In the Atlantic Council's freedom and prosperity indexes, which cover 164 countries, Bangladesh secured the 141st spot in the Freedom Index this year, better than only Afghanistan in South Asia. Despite achieving a relatively better position in the prosperity index, Bangladesh's overall classification still remains "Mostly Unprosperous."
In recent decades, we have witnessed a consistent decline in the Freedom Index, contrasted with an upward trend in prosperity. This apparent paradox has confused many, yet the explanation is not so puzzling: the responsibility for ensuring freedom depends on state institutions, which have failed, while economic prosperity has predominantly stemmed from the endeavours of people, who have succeeded.
For all latest news, follow The Daily Star's Google News channel. Foreign remittances from both official and unofficial channels amount to an impressive $45 billion annually. The multiplier effect of money translates that into approximately $135 billion of economic activity or about 30 percent of the GDP. Without the efforts of overseas workers, garment employees and farmers, this nation would have still remained a "bottomless basket." Rampant corruption, absence of the rule of law, obstacles to doing business, and poor governance have all contributed to state institutions being perceived more as hindrances than promoters of economic progress.
Given its favourable demographic dividend, fertile soil, abundant freshwater, ample rainfall, sufficient sunlight, and extensive coastlines, Bangladesh possesses all the ingredients to emerge as one of the happiest and most prosperous nations, provided that the rule of law and good governance are firmly established. Although various stakeholders—politicians, business leaders, bureaucrats, intellectuals, and professionals—may share responsibility for the current predicament, the ultimate hope for overcoming the nation's challenges rests with the people, guided by an effective political culture.
Political philosopher Hannah Arendt conceived of politics not solely as the exercise of power, but rather as revolving around the concept of "active citizenship," emphasising civic participation and people's deliberation on all issues. The primary objective of politics should be to foster "active citizens," who possess civic knowledge, political consciousness, and the capacity to fight for justice. Political culture should aim to foster such a depth of socio-political awareness that even the most corrupt, self-interested individuals recognise that prioritising the common good over personal gain ultimately serves their own interests and the well-being of their children.
To enable the one-sided flow of wealth, the British Raj established an oppressive class known as the Zamindars, supported by a coercive bureaucratic system. The Indian Congress that emerged in late 1800s was primarily composed of the elite classes, perpetuating the deeply entrenched colonial system that prioritised the interests of the ruling class over those of the populace. Similarly, Pakistan and later Bangladesh followed a comparable trajectory. Networks of exploitative politicians, dishonest business figures, and corrupt officials continued to exploit the nation reminiscent of colonial practices.
The resolution hinges on dismantling this nexus and restructuring all state institutions. However, two significant hurdles obstruct progress. Firstly, over time, this network has amassed such influence that it is nearly impossible for any political party to gain or sustain power without its backing. Secondly, once in office, enacting comprehensive reforms in the state apparatus carries inherent risks, such as adverse economic repercussions, which dissuade governments from taking decisive actions.
The sole remedy lies in empowering the populace through political leadership deeply connected to them. The political entity must adhere to democratic principles in selecting its leaders and maintain a decentralised party structure. Units at both union and upazila levels, guided by the overarching strategic vision of the central leadership, should have autonomy in recruitment, training, fund management, and the coordination of social movements.
The goals encompass, initially, advancing civic and political education within communities to cultivate active citizenship; secondly, nurturing grassroots leadership; and thirdly, engaging individuals in political, social, and environmental movements. The existing "patron-client" leadership model, characterised by blind followers, must be supplanted by a democratic framework grounded in the principles of "servant leadership." This philosophy, introduced by organisational theorist Robert K Greenleaf in 1970, traces its origins to earlier concepts, as expressed by Guru Nanak, "The one who serves the most deserves to lead."
Success of any social movement depends on people's participation. Sir Paul Collier, professor at Oxford University, proposes that people are chiefly driven by their self-interests. When individuals believe that joining a protest outweighs the risks and offers substantial benefits, they are inclined to participate. Another demographic comprises those who have endured severe injustices from the present system and seek reforms. The third segment includes individuals propelled by genuine patriotism. It is crucial for leaders to understand and utilise these fundamental aspects of human psychology.
Politics is warfare without bloodshed. Targeting areas of least resistance is one of the winning tactics depicted in Sun Tsu's Art of War. Accordingly, initial social movements could be confined to local areas and issues where resistance from the government machinery would be minimal. As people become more organised and confident, attention can gradually shift to tackling deeper-rooted issues and expanding efforts to regional and national levels.
Social movements sometimes can become violent. For tactical reasons, initially they can be confined to peaceful means. For instance, consider a protest against an upazila medical officer who neglects duties at a public hospital while running a private clinic. If he cannot be held accountable through administrative and legal channels, other peaceful methods, such as boycotting his private clinic or denying him essential commodities and services in the locality, can compel him to comply. Given everyone's reliance on society, any individual or entity can be forced to heed public demands through such social actions.
This is not a blueprint for quickly seizing state power, however. Overhauling the entire system and political culture is an immense undertaking that requires unwavering dedication, akin to the sustained commitment seen in our preparatory phase of independence movement, which lasted roughly 18 years (1952-1970). With more than 40 political parties in Bangladesh, I hold onto the hope that certain existing ones, or perhaps new entrants, will ultimately adopt a long-term political agenda rather than succumbing to short-term opportunistic goals.
Unpopular regimes rely heavily on their coercive apparatus—mainly police and military. However, only a minority within the upper ranks support the regime out of self-interest. Over time, persistent social movements advocating for the people's interests can influence the allegiance of the lower ranks, leading them to recognise that their own well-being is more closely aligned with the success of people's movements. Eventually, they refuse to carry out unlawful orders against people.
A political agenda requires financial support, ideally sourced from genuine stakeholders: the people. One significant funding avenue could be Bangladeshi citizens employed overseas. In the Bangalee culture, patriotism often intensifies when living abroad.
Saifur Rahman is a senior IT specialist and certified professional, Australian Computer Society.
Views expressed in this article are the author's own.
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