What voters expect when parties speak of a ‘New Bangladesh’

As the 13th national election approaches, calls for building a “New Bangladesh” have once again taken centre stage in political campaigning. The phrase appears regularly in speeches and rallies, accompanied by promises of good governance, an end to corruption, the restoration of democratic norms, equal rights for citizens, etc. Such commitments, however, are familiar to voters. Similar assurances have featured in election after election over the decades, only to fade once power changed hands. This long history of unfulfilled commitments has left many voters deeply sceptical. 

Against this backdrop, it is important to focus on some key issues that ordinary Bangladeshis really expect the winning party or coalition to address if the promise of a “New Bangladesh” is to move beyond slogans and take on real meaning.

One of the most pressing expectations is decisive action against chandabazi, or extortion, and bribery. These practices affect almost every sector of society and have become a daily burden for citizens. Businesses of all kinds, from street hawkers to factory owners, from transport operators to developers and landowners, and from schools to public service offices, suffer badly from this system and are desperate for relief. Street vendors, for instance, face constant harassment and are forced to pay police, corporation officials, and political musclemen simply to keep their spot and avoid eviction or seizure of their goods. Those who resist often face threats, false cases, or unlawful detention. The Bangladesh Hawkers Federation claims that vendors on Dhaka’s footpaths are extorted for around Tk 3,000 crore annually, which amounts to more than Tk 8 crore every day.

In the transport sector, almost every commercial vehicle, including trucks, buses, and microbuses, is routinely forced to pay extortion money to local political cadres. Markets, transport stands, and launch terminals operate under a so-called “token” system, which in reality is nothing more than organised extortion controlled by powerful syndicates. A report by Transparency International Bangladesh, published on March 5, 2024, revealed that private buses and minibuses alone pay nearly Tk 1,059 crore every year in extortion money.

Moreover, there is hardly any public or private project that can move forward without paying bribes or extortion money. According to the committee that prepared the “White Paper on the State of Bangladesh Economy,” during the 15 years of the Sheikh Hasina regime, of the Tk 7.20 lakh crore invested in development projects through the Annual Development Programme, an estimated Tk 1.61 lakh crore to Tk 2.80 lakh crore was lost to corruption, including political extortion, bribery, and inflated project costs. The report further estimates that between Tk 77,000 crore and Tk 98,000 crore were paid as bribes to government officials. Meanwhile, politicians and their associates received Tk 70,000 crore to Tk 1,40,000 crore through extortion and collusive payments. Chandabazi and bribery have long been major sources of public grievances, closely linked to political corruption and weak enforcement of the law, and citizens are demanding firm action to finally resolve them.

Another serious concern that has emerged in recent times is the sharp rise in mob violence, moral policing, and online abuse. While mob violence existed in the past, its scale and nature have changed significantly since August 2024, becoming a frequent and alarming feature across the country. Data from the human rights organisation Ain o Salish Kendra show that at least 97 people were killed in mob attacks between August and December 2024, while at least 198 people lost their lives to mob attacks in 2025.

Reports from national and independent media indicate that mobs no longer target only individuals. They now attack homes, properties, political party offices, cultural institutions, religious minority communities, and places of worship. Many of these incidents appear to be organised efforts to intimidate communities, exploit religious or ethnic tensions, and destabilise social and political groups. On the night of December 18, 2025, a group of people vandalised, looted, and set alight the offices of the country’s two most widely circulated newspapers, The Daily Star and Prothom Alo. On the same night, the cultural organisation Chhayanaut was also vandalised and torched.

Several recent incidents further highlight the seriousness of the problem. In August 2025, two men were beaten to death in Sirajganj over alleged cattle theft. Hindu homes were vandalised in Rangpur in July 2025 following a Facebook post. In Lalmonirhat, a 70-year-old barber and his son were attacked in June 2025 following accusations of hurting religious sentiments. In Bhola, a man had his eyes gouged out by a mob in March 2025. In the same month, an Uber driver in Dhaka was beaten to death after being mistaken for a mugger.

Disturbing still is the rise of so-called “moral policing,” with groups of men harassing young girls and women over their clothing, lifestyle choices, or behaviour. At the same time, women who speak up for their rights increasingly face severe online and offline abuse. This includes character assassination, being labelled immoral or promiscuous, body shaming, and threats of violence against them and their families. Such attacks are often coordinated efforts to silence women and discourage their participation in public life. Police data show that 21,936 cases related to violence against women and children were filed in 2025.

Together, these developments show how mob violence and aggression, both online and offline, is eroding Bangladesh’s social fabric, fuelled by rumours, unaddressed anger, and the rapid spread of misinformation through social media, while weak law enforcement has fostered a culture of impunity. This breakdown of the rule of law has also become a major obstacle to doing business in Bangladesh, disrupting supply chains, increasing operating costs, keeping prices high, fuelling inflation, and discouraging both local and foreign investment. As insecurity and uncertainty grow, citizens and businesses alike are left to bear their cumulative costs. 

Therefore, restoring the rule of law and dismantling the entrenched systems of bribery and extortion must be central to any claim to build a “New Bangladesh.” Political parties must understand that without a credible commitment to curb mob violence, protect citizens from arbitrary intimidation, and enforce the law impartially, their slogans will remain hollow and public trust will continue to erode. The party or coalition that wins the upcoming election will be judged not by what it says about change, but by whether it finally demonstrates the political will to deliver it.

Abu Afsarul Haider is an entrepreneur. He can be reached at afsarulhaider@gmail.com.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own. 

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