There is no place in the BNP for those who were involved in massacre, corruption and terror activity, said BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today.

He made the comment at the Thakurgaon Public Library during a blanket distribution programme.

When asked about rooting out autocracy, corruption, and fascism, Mirza Fakhrul replied, "The only way to overcome from corruption and fascism is by establishing people's rule. In other words, we have no alternative idea but to govern the country through a parliament elected by the people to come out from it.

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Mirza Fakhrul's unabridged interview

Mirza Fakhrul observed that the initiative to distribute warm cloths in cold prone areas is yet to be seen by the local administration.

A total of six hundred blankets were distributed among distressed people in the Thakurgaon municipality this morning via the municipal unit BNP in the presence of the local leaders.

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People will have to take to streets for voting rights

BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir today expressed disappointment over Chief Adviser Professor Mohammad Yunus' speech making 100 days of interim government.

"While the speech, a well-drafted one, has risen hopes of the people. I am a bit disappointed... We had hoped the chief adviser, with all his wisdom, would identify the pressing problems and propose a roadmap for elections," said Fakhrul at a discussion at Jatiya Press Club.

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The wrongs of past 15yrs must be righted

Clarifying his intention on stressing the need for an election, Fakhrul said, "I emphasise elections because holding them would address half of our problems."

Stressing BNP's stance over its support to the interim government, Fakhrul mentioned that his party has not opposed or obstructed any of the recent reform initiatives by them.

"We are supporting you at every step," he said.

In a televised address to the nation, marking 100 days of the interim government, Yunus said that the reforms may delay the election by a few months.

Additionally, Fakhrul Islam Alamgir highlighted the importance of maintaining strong ties between BNP leaders and students.

"No gap should ever emerge between us and the students. Students have the right to voice their opinions. We have grown older. We are more calculative now. We evaluate which actions can be taken and which cannot, what is appropriate to do now and what is not," he said.

"That's why we believe holding elections quickly is essential for the well-being of the country and its people. This comes from our own experience."

He added, "This government lacks a mandate. The longer they stay in power, the more problems will arise."

"This is not an elected government, so where does its strength come from?"

Fakhrul said that his party supports implementing reforms within a reasonable and appropriate timeframe.

"It should not take so long that people start to suspect you are trying to cling to power. We have had such experiences in the past," he added.

Referencing the tenure of the Moinuddin-led caretaker government, he said, "Their attempts to form a so-called King's Party failed as the people rejected it, forcing them to flee the country."

Once a fierce critic of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), former Foreign Minister Dr Hasan Mahmud now finds himself in an unexpected role. The Awami League (AL) politician, who is currently in London, recently sang praises for the BNP—or, as some may put it, he tried "wooing" his once-despised rival. After 15-plus years of relentless criticism and jabs aimed at the BNP, Hasan's sudden pivot, following the ouster of his government through the July uprising, has left political analysts and laypeople scratching their heads. A tale as twisted as a Dickensian plot, his evolution from BNP's heckler to a begrudging admirer is nothing short of literary satire.

Let's rewind to a simpler time: the era of Mahmud's full-throated attacks on the BNP, almost as consistent as the sunrise, and twice as intense. He labelled BNP as a "party of parasites" and often credited them with conjuring chaos as easily as Shakespeare's Iago wove schemes in Othello. BNP leaders, according to him, were architects of anarchy, always "misleading the masses" and "haunted by the 'Tarique-ghost,'" referring to the party's acting chairman, Tarique Rahman. His words were chosen with such precision and relish, it was as if he had plucked them from Dante's Inferno, casting BNP leaders into circles of political damnation.

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Bread before ballots and rice before reforms

One could almost hear his booming voice, drenched in theatrical scorn, recounting BNP's supposed failure to win the people's favour as he proudly paraded AL's achievements with an air of unearned grandeur. "The BNP presented a fake adviser to Joe Biden," he would proclaim with mock indignation, using his platform like a mediaeval troubadour, weaving tales of his rivals' bumbling with all the flair of a Marlowe villain.

With the authoritarian AL regime suddenly overthrown, Mahmud went from denouncing BNP's every move to extolling the virtues of "restoring democracy," a concept he had once wielded as a cudgel to suppress dissent. His rhetoric, once thick with sarcasm and scorn, now drips with the honeyed appeal of a suitor attempting to rekindle an old flame—except, of course, that the "old flame" is the very party he tried to extinguish.

Now, as if reliving Romeo and Juliet, he calls for "working together" with the BNP for the "greater good" of Bangladesh. In an ironic twist, Mahmud has become something of a Capulet seeking Montague's embrace, promising a collaborative future he once vehemently rejected. Some critics have taken to calling this performance "The Tragedy of Dr Hasan," a farce in which a once-proud antagonist now plays the role of political supplicant.

It was not long ago that Mahmud championed AL's "unassailable" record of peace and prosperity. He proclaimed with the conviction of an orator from ancient Greece that his party had brought unprecedented development to the country. He scoffed at BNP's concerns for democratic reforms, dismissing them as desperate ploys of a "party that cannot survive without scandal." He scoffed at BNP's advocacy for free and fair elections, dismissing it as an "elaborate hypocrisy." And yet, here he stands now, as humbled as King Lear on the stormy heath, calling for the very reforms he once deemed folly.

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A moment of truth for BNP

At a recent event—his first appearance after weeks of silence post-uprising—Mahmud appeared almost repentant, though it was clear that old habits die hard. Attempting a dignified pivot, he assured his audience that he was "always an advocate for democratic values." The line was delivered with the sincerity of a character in a Restoration comedy, and the audience responded with what could only be described as a collective gasp of incredulity.

A keen observer might draw comparisons to Chaucer's Pardoner, a man who sells indulgences with a face so earnest that one could almost forget his dubious dealings. Much like the Pardoner, his newfound alignment with BNP's calls for transparency and electoral fairness reeks of opportunism dressed as redemption. "I agree with the BNP on many issues," he declared in a voice as smooth as an actor's monologue, his words carefully rehearsed for maximum effect.

Mahmud has gone beyond mere agreement; he now echoes BNP's proposals as if they were his own, including the idea of a bicameral parliament. With a straight face, he praised BNP's acting chairman for "championing the cause of intellectual inclusion," seemingly oblivious to his own years-long campaign against him and the BNP. In a feat of cognitive dissonance that would make Orwell proud, Mahmud now promotes Tarique's vision for governance reform, a cause he had once called "antithetical to Bangladesh's stability."

One might wonder, is this newfound admiration genuine, or merely a last-ditch attempt to salvage his relevance in the present scenario? Perhaps he sees himself as a transformed man, like Scrooge on Christmas morning, proclaiming his repentance to an unsuspecting world. Yet, unlike Scrooge, Mahmud lacks the charm of a man humbled by self-awareness; instead, he projects the aura of a politician whose convictions change as easily as the tides.

This metamorphosis, this shedding of old skin for a new one, is almost too convenient to believe. Just as Shakespeare's Polonius is quick to switch allegiances to remain in favour with the court, Mahmud's chameleon-like shift seems less an act of principle and more a strategy of survival. The difference, however, is that Polonius's fickleness ultimately led to his downfall—a cautionary tale that Mahmud might do well to heed.

In his newfound role as BNP's begrudging ally, Mahmud's journey resembles that of a character from Molière—perhaps Tartuffe, the unctuous hypocrite who feigns virtue to gain favour. If history is any guide, his overtures will likely be met with the same distrust and ridicule as Tartuffe's grand gestures. After all, in the court of public opinion, where actions speak louder than words, Mahmud's record as AL's attack dog cannot be erased with a few conciliatory statements.

As we watch this spectacle unfold, one cannot help but see the humour in Mahmud's plight. Here is a man who spent over a decade railing against BNP's every move, only to find himself on the other side of the table, professing solidarity with those he once derided. It is a tale worthy of satire, a drama of contradictions played out on the national stage. Perhaps the moral of Mahmud's story is one he himself might struggle to accept: that in politics, as in literature, irony has a way of catching up with those who least expect it.

H.M. Nazmul Alam is lecturer at the Department of English and Modern Languages in the International University of Business, Agriculture and Technology (IUBAT). He can be reached at nazmulalam.rijohn@gmail.com.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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The BNP will allocate 10 percent of GDP — 5 percent each to health and education— if it forms the government, said BNP Standing Committee Member Amir Khosru Mahmud Chowdhury today.

"We have made two clear decisions: we will allocate 5 percent of GDP to health and 5 percent to education. This is our commitment," Chowdhury said.

Chowdhury, also a former commerce minister, made the remarks at the 3rd Bangladesh Economic Summit 2024, themed "Inequality, Financial Crimes, and Healing Bangladesh's Economy," organised by Bangla daily Bonik Barta at Pan Pacific Sonargaon Dhaka. 

He said universal healthcare would improve citizens' health, allowing them to contribute more effectively to the nation. 

"The savings they would make on healthcare costs would enhance their purchasing power, enabling families to spend on other welfare needs," he added, highlighting similar outcomes for investment in education.

He criticised the diversion of funds from health and education to mega projects by the previous Awami League government. 

He said this fuelled inequality in the country.

Warning his party men against complacency, BNP acting chairman Tarique Rahman yesterday said the next national election will pose a much harder challenge to the party than any previous ones held in Bangladesh.

"It may be true that our main opponent has become weaker, but, even so, this election will be far tougher than any previous elections," Tarique said during a virtual discussion at a workshop held simultaneously in Khulna and Mymensingh yesterday.

"We are heading towards a very challenging election," he said, claiming that people, even 20 years ago, could vote without fear.

"If you compare the present situation with the 2001 election, you'll see that people's mindset has changed. People are now much more aware [of the situation]," he said, adding that social media has played a key role in bringing about the changes.

Tarique urged party members to remain cautious.

"If any leaders or activists around you have made mistakes, it is your responsibility as a leader to guide them onto the right path, make them aware [of the changed scenario]," he added.

"Colleagues, if anyone [of you] thinks that no one will find out about it [your misdeeds], that's a misconception. People find out," he warned.

He said BNP could only come to power if the party workers won people's trust.

"We haven't come to power yet. We don't know if we will. We can only achieve that if we earn the support of the people," he told party men.

Earlier, the Khulna city unit of the BNP brought out a procession celebrating the acquittal of Tarique in two cases filed over the August 21 grenade attack.

Hundreds of leaders and activists of BNP and its associate bodies, led by the party's central Information Affairs Secretary Azizul Bari Helal, joined the procession starting from the KD Ghosh Road area.

Tarique has been living in exile in London for over one and a half decades.

BNP Standing Committee Member Maj (retd) Hafizuddin Ahmed yesterday said Tarique may return to the country before the next election, which Hafizuddin expects to be held in 2025.

"Tarique Rahman will return next year. We are anticipating elections during that time, and we hope he comes back before that," Hafizuddin said during a press briefing at his Gulshan residence.

"Tarique Rahman still has four cases against him. Party leaders and activists are very excited because the path to his return has become much smoother. We hope these cases will be resolved soon," he added.

Hafizuddin also expressed concern over law and order, high commodity prices, and political instability.

"The law and order situation has significantly deteriorated, and people are struggling to cope with skyrocketing prices," he said, blaming the "agents of the fallen Awami League government".

"We hear a lot from the interim government, but nothing about elections. It seems as though talking about elections by political parties is being considered as a crime," he added.