Fresh out of successfully appealing to the Election Commission for candidacy, Barrister Aminul Haque has bagged BNP’s final nod to vie for Rajshahi-1.

Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir, secretary general of the BNP, declared his candidacy at a press briefing in BNP’s Gulshan office this afternoon.

Initially, Barrister Aminul was turned down by the Election Commission on charges of concealing his conviction in a case in the affidavit submitted during application.

ABOUT THE CONSTITUENCY

Rajshahi-1 constituency is comprised with Godagari Upazila, and Tanore Upazila; having a voter base of 383,254. It is one of those areas dominant with women voters.

Having 145 voting centres within the constituency, there are 192,682 female voters and 190,572 male voters who will be exercising their franchise on election day.

Barrister Aminul’s arch contestant will be Awami League leader Omar Faruque Chowdhury.

There was one other BNP leader – Ava Haque – who was kept as a backup in case of Aminul’s failure to secure candidacy. But now, she will have to withdraw from the race.

M Abdul Mannan of Islami Andolon Bangladesh and M Rafiqul Islam of Workers Party of Bangladesh will also be contesting for this seat in the elections.

WHEN IS THE ELECTION?

The 11th general election will be held on December 30. It was deferred once by the Election Commission upon demands from the opposition political parties.

As per the polls schedule, the deadline for filing the nomination papers was November 28. Since then, the commission has been engaged in hearing appeals of rejected candidates.

After December 9, the last date for nomination withdrawal, the commission will allot polls symbols to contestant and open the field for campaigning.

The July 2024 uprising in Bangladesh marked a pivotal moment as students and citizens rallied for transformative change, challenging established political hierarchies. Unlike previous movements, this protest operated independently of any political party leadership, underscoring a grassroots demand for reform that had eluded mainstream opposition efforts for over a decade. For the first time, a mass uprising forced the removal of a seemingly entrenched regime through sheer public resolve, demonstrating the often-overlooked power of collective action—an "event" as described by eminent French philosopher Alain Badiou: a disruptive break from the status quo of conventional political order.

On August 8, the formation of an interim government emerged as a critical turning point in Bangladesh's political landscape, briefly uniting opposition forces, including the BNP, around a shared agenda for paradigmatic change. Initially supportive of the student movement, some argue that the BNP later tempered its endorsement, seemingly distancing itself strategically from some of the demands for structural reform of extractive institutions widely seen as enabling the rise of illiberal, authoritarian governance, epitomised by the recently ousted regime. Notably, the BNP is now subtly yet unmistakably shifting away from calls for the immediate resignation of the sitting president—a figure closely tied to the discredited past—and towards advocating for a more cautious, electoral roadmap. This strategic repositioning has allowed the BNP to present itself as a stabilising force focused on continuity and gradual reform through electoral processes, a choice that critics argue reflects a conservative impulse to preserve familiar structures.

According to cultural theorist Frederic Jameson, understanding such political decisions requires analysis through multiple lenses or "horizons." On the "political horizon," Jameson's first level of analysis, the BNP's reluctance to support student-led calls for immediate presidential removal can be viewed as a tactical move to balance reform aspirations with stability. By prioritising an electoral roadmap over sudden upheaval, the BNP is perhaps portraying itself as a seasoned opposition force. This approach positions the party as a measured alternative amid calls for radical change—a strategic choice to avoid being swept up in what it might see as "instant gratification" in favour of long-term goals. However, critics argue that this approach risks the party appearing overly conservative and misaligned with the youth-driven energy fuelling the July uprising.

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The fight for social accountability in Bangladesh

The "social horizon," meanwhile, explores deeper class and institutional interests that shape political choices, often unconsciously. Here, the BNP's distance from grassroots reform demands can be seen as aligning with the entrenched two-party system, which has long structured politics in Bangladesh. By prioritising incremental reforms and institutional stability over radical transformation, BNP implicitly supports structures that have historically benefited both itself and the Awami League. This reluctance to disrupt institutional power structures could be understood through Jameson's concept of the "political unconscious," where underlying class interests influence behaviour that may appear pragmatic but, in effect, serves to protect established hierarchies. The BNP's stance could be reflective of this tendency, preserving a status quo that risks sidelining the radical reforms that some segments of the public are increasingly demanding.

In the "historical horizon," Jameson's final layer of interpretation, BNP's response to the uprising can be seen as part of Bangladesh's cyclical political struggles. Rather than embracing a transformative shift, BNP's positioning could suggest a reluctance to break from long-standing political rivalries, framing itself as the ideological heir to the student movement's anti-Awami League sentiment while resisting a deep engagement with systemic overhaul. But this positioning could risk reducing the uprising's transformative vision to another episode in the Awami League-BNP rivalry. In Jameson's view, such cyclical politics underscore a missed opportunity for genuine change, as BNP's actions could hint at continuity within Bangladesh's familiar political pattern to some, rather than a break from it.

French philosopher Alain Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the unique potential of the July 2024 uprising to introduce new political realities. For Badiou, such a moment represents a radical rupture from established norms, challenging entrenched power structures and creating the possibility of unforeseen political reforms. The uprising's mass mobilisation of public sentiment without major party backing exemplifies that this kind of "event" informed disruptive rupture, a grassroots force demanding structural change that bypasses established political channels.

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Enforcing economic and social rights through constitutional interpretation

However, Badiou also warns that these transformative moments can be co-opted or neutralised if not sustained by active revolutionary commitment, or what he calls "fidelity" to the event. The BNP's stance, which shifted from initially aligning with the students to later portraying the president as a stabilising figure, could risk dissipating the transformative potential of this "moment." By reverting to conventional political processes, BNP's approach could undermine the movement's radical energy, restoring the status quo ante, rather than actualising the profound systemic reforms demanded by some people.

Ultimately, the BNP's decision to prioritise stability over radical change illustrates a complex dilemma: straddling the aftermath of a revolutionary "event" and realpolitik. While the party's cautious stance may preserve order and avoid immediate risks, it also places the BNP at odds with some segments of society that have become increasingly disillusioned by traditional politics. This hesitance could alienate reform-minded citizens, especially younger voters who may view BNP's position as self-serving or evasive. Rather than merely adopting the movement's ideological legacy, BNP's strategic ambivalence risks positioning it as another entity within the political duopoly that the uprising implicitly critiques.

BNP's strategic choices in the wake of the July uprising reveal a tension between preserving continuity and embracing transformative potential. While Jameson's "Three Horizons" show how the party's stance aligns with established power structures, Badiou's concept of the "moment" underscores the revolutionary potential that the BNP risks missing. By aligning itself too closely with stability, and gradualism, BNP could marginalise itself in the eyes of a public yearning for meaningful change. To truly capture the movement's spirit, the party may need to move beyond mere strategic positioning and fully engage with the grassroots demands that fuelled the July uprising—demands that traditional, incremental politics can no longer afford to overlook. By the same token, this challenge also calls for a delicate balancing act of realpolitik, as the party weighs transformative ambitions against the pressures of political continuity and stability in an unpredictable landscape.

Dr Faridul Alam writes from New York City, US.

Views expressed in this article are the author's own.

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The newly appointed Chinese ambassador, Zhang Zuo, today said that there is no quick solution to Rohingya crisis.

Zhang Zuo said this while addressing journalists for the first time at a press briefing held at the Chinese embassy in Dhaka this afternoon.

Some seven lakh Rohingyas fled persecution in Myanmar and entered Bangladesh following a military crackdown on them in Rakhine since August 25 last year.

The Chinese ambassador said that his country hopes next parliamentary election in Bangladesh will be smooth.

Zuo replaced Ma Mingqiang, who completed his tenure in Bangladesh and already left the country for his new assignment.

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TREES, HILLS RAZED by ROHINGYAS

Zuo was born in February 1969 in Xuanwei County of Yunnan Province. He has a PhD in Management, according to the official website of the Chinese embassy.

Diplomatic sources said the newly-appointed Chinese ambassador (designated) to Bangladesh arrived in Dhaka on February 12 and presented copy of this credentials to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on February 14.

Ambassador Ma left Dhaka in December late to attend envoys conference in Beijing but he did not return to Dhaka for his farewell meetings with the president, prime minister, foreign minister and others.

Chinese embassy in Dhaka had earlier fixed the appointments, but the outgoing ambassador did not return to Dhaka, added the sources.

The BNP yesterday submitted to the constitution reform commission its 62 recommendations designed to establish a rules-based structure and ensure checks and balances of power.

"However, you need an elected parliament to amend the constitution -- there is no other way," Salahuddin Ahmed, BNP standing committee member, told The Daily Star.

Salahuddin handed over the 62-point proposal to Ali Riaz, chairman of the constitution reform commission.

The party, which was last in power about 18 years ago, have proposed extensive amendments to the constitution to make it more democratic and fulfil the aspirations of the people.

"We have essentially sought a return to the constitution before the 15th amendment, which changed the character of politics in Bangladesh," Salahuddin said.

The 15th amendment to the constitution was passed in the parliament on June 30, 2011.

Reinstatement of the caretaker government system and limiting the prime minister's tenure to a maximum of two consecutive terms are on top of BNP's constitutional reform agenda.

The party also proposed a bicameral parliament, which is a two-house legislative system similar to the British parliament.

A practical reason for a bicameral legislature is to function as part of the larger system of checks and balances that balance the power of different parts of a government or a society. By dividing power within the legislative branch, bicameralism helps prevent the legislative branch from having too much power -- a kind of intrabranch check.

"We will do whatever is necessary to establish a rules-based Bangladesh and our recommendations for comprehensive reforms of the constitution come from that place," Ahmed told The Daily Star.

The BNP proposed bringing a balance of power between the prime minister and the president by way of enhancing the president's power. It also suggested creating the posts of vice-president and deputy prime minister.

Talking to The Daily Star, Salahuddin said the BNP wants Article 123(3) of the constitution annulled.

The Article 123(3) says that a general election of the members of parliament must be held before 90 days of dissolution of the parliament. 

It has also called for measures to establish a balance of power among fundamental state institutions, including the executive, judiciary and legislative branches, to ensure "harmonious cooperation" and uphold fundamental rights, according to Salahuddin.

The party also proposed referendum system in case of any amendment in article 8, 48, 56, and 142 of the constitution to be reintroduced.

The BNP also called for putting Article 8 of the constitution which pertains to fundamental principles of state policy to its previous form before the 15th amendment and removal of aritcle 7A and 7B. 

Referendums were part of Bangladesh's earlier democratic practices, he said.

Additionally, the party proposed the formation of a lower judicial council to be led by the chief justice of the Supreme Court to ensure proper oversight, Salahuddin added.

Earlier in the day, after handing in the constitutional reform proposals, Salahuddin told the gathered media that the recommendations range from the preamble of the constitution to the schedule.

"We hope the commission will consider our suggestions, which reflect the aspirations of the people, the spirit of the martyrs of the July-August revolution and the current realities of Bangladesh. The proposals aim to ensure that parliamentary autocracy or dictatorship cannot emerge in the future."

He further highlighted the need for reinstating the caretaker government system, calling it "the number one demand of the people".

The matter is pending in court. "We hope the verdict will favour the public."

The BNP's proposals address all aspects of the republic, including the executive, judiciary, legislative, election commission, and the schedule to establish a democratic system within the constitution.

"The aim is to create a balance of power in all branches of the state."

Asked how the constitutional amendments would be carried out in the absence of parliament, Salahuddin said the proposals are now with the commission, which is tasked with reviewing them and making recommendations to the interim government.

The other political parties including Jamaat-e-Islami have also handed in their proposals for constitutional reforms.

"We believe there will be consensus on most points, although differences may arise in some areas."

Once consensus is reached on the reforms needed to the constitution, the commitments would be included in the electoral manifesto and all parties will pledge to implement the constitutional changes once they assume power after the next election.

"We are hopeful our recommendations will be incorporated -- it is not the job of the interim government to amend the provisions of the constitution," Salahuddin told The Daily Star.

The BNP has submitted a 17-point recommendation to the Electoral Reform Commission, including changes to party registration policies, electoral code of conduct, and transferring control of the National Identification (NID) server back to the EC.

Addressing a press briefing at the BNP chairperson's office in Gulshan yesterday, Standing Committee Member Abdul Moyeen Khan outlined the party's recommendations, highlighting the significance for creating a level playing field.

"We believe electoral reform is the most important issue right now. Of the 17 points we've raised, 10 are particularly critical for ensuring transparent and credible elections."

For the 13th national polls, the BNP prefers "upgrading" the voter list over the method of "door-to-door visits".

"Honestly, we want a true and accurate voter list to be prepared. Instead of door-to-door campaign, we proposed using computer and AI … Today, if we give instructions to a computer, it can do the work on its own ... and it will be absolutely accurate," said Moyeen.

"A computer can even determine when someone turns 18. For that, there is no need to visit the homes of 18 crore people in Bangladesh. Door-to-door visits are extremely time-consuming, unnecessary, and prone to errors."

About the delimitation of parliamentary constituencies during the 1/11 caretaker government, the BNP expressed concerns whether there were any political motives behind it.

"Previously, the Election Commission controlled the NID server. The last government handed its control to the home ministry. We proposed that the control of NID server be returned to the Election Commission immediately," the BNP leader said.

The BNP has also suggested measures to ensure neutrality of government officials during the election process, Moyeen added.

"We have recommended that after investigations, steps be taken against those responsible for their misdeeds during the July-August uprising and it be ensured that they could not take part in the upcoming election process," said Nazrul Islam Khan, another BNP standing committee member, while speaking at the press briefing.

Standing Committee member Salahuddin Ahmed said it would not take more than two-three months to scrutinise fake voters, appoint election officials, and settle the delimitation issue.

He added that they do not think the government would need over three-four months to hold elections after completing the necessary reform work in the administration, judiciary, and police.

Moyeen said the BNP also submitted proposals on election observation policies and the media code of conduct during polls.