Rekindling an old debate
How effective a Caretaker Government can be?
Aminul
Hoque & Kawser Ahmed
After we have lost
parliamentary democracy in 1975, it took long 16 years and blood shedding
struggle to regain it. In 1990, after removal of the then President H.M.
Ershad, Chief Justice Md. Shahabuddin Ahmed was appointed as the president
of the country to hold a free & fair election which he successfully
conducted. Since then the elected government was supposed to hold the
next general election.
But wide rigging in
various parliamentary by-elections, especially in Magura, led to the demand
of making an arrangement of holding general election under the authority
of a non party caretaker government and after a long political confrontation
article-58 of our constitution was amended by inserting various provisions
for such a non party caretaker government in article 58(B, C, D, E). Article
58B(3) provides that all the executive power of the republic shall be
exercised by the chief adviser in accordance with the advice of the non
party caretaker government .
The combined effect
of article 58D(1) &58D(2) is that the non party caretaker government
is empowered to take all measures to assist the Election Commission in
holding free, fair and peaceful election and in taking such measures,
the caretaker government does not have the limitation relating to policy
decision provided in article 58D(1). The provision of article 58d(2) is
not in any way controlled by the provision of article 58D(1). So the caretaker
government enjoys some unfettered powers to perform any function to ensure
the environment for holding free & fair election.
As the non party caretaker
government is not any elected body, they are only responsible to the president
[article 58B(2)]. Article 58C provides that immediately retired chief
justice of Bangladesh and in his unwillingness, any other retired Chief
Justice or retired justice of the appellate division has to be appointed
as the chief adviser of the caretaker government. Being the judges of
the highest judiciary is always considered to be very prestigious and
honorable portfolio. It should not be exaggerating to hold that after
introducing the provision of caretaker government in this country, this
office has got importance of a different dimension. Now every judge of
the appellate division is a potential head of the government for a specific
period.
The judges, being
a human being, must have, in person, some political ideologies which do
not seem to affect the due discharge of their duties. But after the 13th
amendment, our politicians have seemingly become desperate to have like-minded
person in the office of chief adviser. As a result, there have been a
lot of incidents like more appointment of judges (who are alleged, by
some quarters, to be ineligible and inefficient), non- confirmation of
the appointment of those who are considered to be of different political
beliefs and promotion of the judges belonging to similar ideology breaking
the rules of seniority. As presumed by members of the civil society, the
underlying objective for unstable practice in relation to appointment
of judges is that politicians want to have a like-minded person as a chief
adviser. If the aforesaid statement is true, such practice undoubtedly
is very much opposed to the benevolent concept of non party caretaker
government and harmful for the image of the supreme judiciary.
Though
this kind of untoward incidents are not new in this country but after
the inclusion of caretaker government provision, the politicians have
become more uncompromising in this regard. In the previous regime of B.N.P
nine persons were appointed without consultation with the then Chief Justice
Shahabuddin Ahmed. But after he objected about two of those judges, the
government cancelled their appointment.
Afterwards in 1999,
two high court judges were promoted to appellate division superseding
two other senior judges of HCD allegedly for their different political
identities. This time also there was allegation that no consultation with
Chief Justice was done. Consequently there was agitation and attempt of
negotiation but all such attempts went in vain. After coming to power
in 2001, BNP government appointed one of those superseded judges as chief
justices again superseding two senior judges in the appellate division
and their justification was that by this they have given due treatment
to a person who was unduly deprived of his entitlement. We have all reason
to believe that such practice of our politicians is leading to a situation
when only identical political belief will be the only eligibility for
appointment as a judge in the apex judiciary.
Bangladesh is not
the only country where on various occasions judges in apex court have
been appointed and promoted on political consideration. The trace of such
practice can also be found in countries like UK, USA etc. But in those
countries no compromise has yet been made in relation to the qualification
and integrity of the proposed persons and no where it has been alleged,
as much as is made in this country, that almost unqualified persons are
appointed or quite eligible person has been denied of proper position.
In the aforesaid countries, government may decide to appoint a party man
as judge in higher judiciary for rewarding him for long term service to
the party provided that he possesses all necessary qualifications and
as soon as he is appointed, his relation with that party ends. The new
judge is expected to be quite neutral while discharging his duty. In contrast,
all the politicians in our country seem to be expecting that the judges,
appointed or promoted during their tenure, will render their support to
them on every occasion whatever it might be, even after their retirement
while occupying another portfolio like chief adviser. Resultantly, it
is alleged that to select a very loyal party man for such post, politicians
are even ready to waive some crucial criteria like eligibility and integrity.
Bangladesh falls in
that category of the countries where the constitution has been given supremacy
over the legislature and the highest judiciary of the country has been
entrusted with the duty of supervising and maintaining this supremacy.
So from the very beginning, the office of the judges of Bangladesh Supreme
Court became very crucial in establishing democracy in this country in
its true sense. The preamble of the constitution of Bangladesh says: "it
shall be a fundamental aim of the state to realize through the democratic
process a socialist society, free from exploitation-a society in which
the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice,
political, economic and social will be secured for all citizens."
To ensure rule of law, fundamental rights, equality and justice in a society
the most crucial role is played by the court of law.
Accordingly the supreme
court of Bangladesh has been accorded the power to enforce certain fundamental
rights, embodied in chapter-3 of the constitution which has been given
direct enforceability through the said court. Indeed after reintroducing
parliamentary democracy in 1991, our highest judiciary has done some commendable
jobs in ensuring fundamental rights, public interest and, importantly,
to put effective restrictions upon the arbitrary exercise of the executive
power. Against all the deprivation, corruption, suppression of the government
or any other, the judges of the highest judiciary remain as the last hope
for the nation. But when it is vehemently alleged that ineligible &
inefficient persons are appointed there, we are afraid that we are losing
our last ray of hope. We have all reasons to apprehend that such person
may not be able to act going beyond all kind of fear and favor.
In a developing country
like Bangladesh, both peoples' participation and the existence of a strong
judiciary are equally important. To ensure peoples' true participation
in democracy, the concept of caretaker government has been introduced.
But it is now evident that influence of politics is undermining the very
concept of caretaker government and posed a severe threat to neutrality
and efficiency of our apex judiciary vis-à-vis democracy. More
to the point the politicians seem to be devoted not to separate judiciary
from the executive. The caretaker government, which was made to strengthen
democracy, has become a threat to it. If necessary, the provision of caretaker
government should be amended. And obviously before everything, the judiciary
should be made totally independent.
The
authors have graduated from Department of Law, University of Dhaka.