Hope, because we feel that once the required reforms in the Election Commission, the electoral laws and political parties are carried out, and a free, fair and meaningful election is held, all the stakeholders, in particular the elected political parties with their qualitative

transformation, would commit themselves in institutionalising the system. They would also do the other necessary reforms of the system, if necessary by setting up a Constitution Commission.

Despair, because there are signs that the political parties, as in the past, may try to resist carrying out much awaited reforms. Most importantly, one can discern the unwillingness of the stakeholders, including the political parties, to take steps to broaden democracy's base by mainstreaming women, who constitute 50 per cent of the country's population, in politics.

This is evident from the Election Commission (Political Parties Registration) Regulation 2007 that has identified eight eligibility conditions for the political parties in order for them to register and contest the elections.

All eight eligibility conditions are noteworthy, especially the EC's attempt to make politics transparent and inclusion of one-third women at every tier of political parties' internal structure. The EC act is indeed commendable but we feel that it has not demonstrated enough sagacity in its attempt to empower women in politics.

It is discerned that the presence of women in the political parties' internal structure would help them to influence party policies, including the nomination process. But one needs to do more than simply include an agenda that may turn out to be non-effective.

The EC should have made a condition for political parties' eligibility in giving 25 per cent (it is negotiable) nomination to women candidates from the general seats. We know that such a proposition is an anathema not only to the major political parties but, perhaps, to civil society members as well, especially in the context of constitutional provisions allowing 45 reserved seats for women, who are indirectly elected, in the Jatiyo Sangsad.

In this context, one is tempted to look back at the history of women parliamentarians from the reserved seats. Even at the cost of repetition, one notes the irony involved in such a system, and how despite volumes of writings about passivity and non-effectiveness, the measure, introduced soon after liberation, was not only maintained but given a new lease of life through the Constitution (Fourteenth) Amendment. The bill was bitterly resented by women leaders and organisations, who wanted direct election to these seats. They, as well as the patriarchal state of Bangladesh, knew very well that instead of making the system a "training" arena for the women, the legislators from reserved seats basically served as a 'vote bank' for the majority party and remained satisfied by playing a secondary role to their male counterparts.

Effective participation by women in the legislature, as such, remained a far cry because of their mode of election (rather selection by the winning party stalwarts) and despite the fact that Bangladesh is a signatory to all international conventions, such as Beijing Platform of Action, CEDAW and Harare Declaration by the Heads of Commonwealth countries.

It was never analysed whether or not these parliamentarians would be able to achieve success with regard to the gargantuan tasks that lie ahead in the 21st century against the backdrop of globalisation and its negative effects on women. Although a little deeper look and a thoughtful analysis reveal that when the women do not have a geographically designated constituency from where they are elected, it is impossible for them to discern the hopes and aspirations of their constituents. Consequently, in the context of virtual non-existence of women in the national power structure, they have not made significant advance from lower levels of professional and corporate ranks into positions of power and leadership.

As a result, it is hard to gauge how women, without gaining leadership, expertise, knowledge and tools, will be able to "play a brokering role for change through a synergy of partnership with government (states) and with civil society so that the market forces can be shaped to work in favour of women and gender equality."

Against the above backdrop, isn't it absolutely necessary that women get elected directly and become legislators through a process? It is also obvious that the patriarchal state of Bangladesh has a ready-made answer to the question posed above: The answer would be that nobody is preventing women from contesting from the general seats. However, such a statement will reflect an ostrich-like attitude. As if we do not know what it takes to get elected? How difficult it is without money and support from the party machinery to win elections! The fact is that even to get a nomination one needs huge funds. How then can women, who are resource poor, have a chance to be in the electoral process? Nomination of women as candidates by the political parties is thus essential.

But if history is a witness, then we find that during our fifteen years of democracy, the statistics indicate that the major political parties nominated only one digit number of women candidates, including their much-vaunted party chiefs. It is this fortunate category of women who returned to the fifth, seventh and eighth parliaments through direct elections. And over the years, the number of women with political sagacity, skill, intuitiveness, dedication, willingness and commitment to bring about societal change, especially with regards to women's issues, who entered the electoral process when democracy was reestablished in 1991, dwindled. From 36 independent women candidates, who lost the contest in 1991, it has come down to nine in 2001. In the meantime, the country's leadership kept on boasting with a handful directly elected women representatives along with show case ones, that Bangladesh is a progressive country with 10 per cent women legislators in parliament. In reality it has always been cosmetic.

Obviously, then, it is about time that we recognise that the system of indirectly elected women representation in parliament is not working. Ways must be found so that women can be directly elected with each of them having a constituency of her own. Women's organisations and women leaders have come up with various formulas and numbers but the bottom line has always been in favour of replacing the existing system with the system of direct election. Here is an area where state intervention is a must and the EC can play a commendable role by ensuring a certain percentage of nomination for women as an eligibility condition so that the political parties are bound to take steps to improve women's peripheral situation in the political arena.

Such mandatory provisions exist in Nepal, where every political party is bound to keep 5 per cent of nominations reserved for women. Such provisions also may not be enough as male politicians are adroit enough to make sure that women are given nominations in those constituencies where the chances of winning are indeed precarious.

Unfortunately, at present, when we are talking of a new beginning in Bangladesh, not much is said about this vital issue either by the political parties or the EC or civil society.

We really cannot expect an operative democracy, not to speak of a successful one, if the country's women are not given any opportunities to make their voices heard and are unable to bring any influence to bear on the policy formulation of the government.

It is simply not possible to enhance the consolidation of our nascent democratic system without broadening the democratic base, which again can happen only with the mainstreaming of women into the system. The Chief Adviser, in his recent address to the nation, highlighted the predicament Bangladesh's women face. Hopefully, his government will find a modus vivendi towards ensuring women's participation in the country's future governance.

Dilara Chowdhury is Professor, Department of Government and Politics, Jahangirnagar University.