Tajuddin was a fundamental member of Chhatra League in 1948, and helped in the formation of the Awami Muslim League in 1949. Tajuddin was elected the general secretary of Dhaka district Awami League for the period 1953-1959 and was jailed in 1954, when he appeared in LLB examination from jail. Being the general secretary of AL from March 1966, Tajuddin was the key personality in drafting the famous Six-Point Charter of demands. Thus, the genius in Tajuddin was exposed to the party men, though the general public was mostly unaware because of his incapacity for delivering hot speeches. However, Tajuddin attended the Opposition Parties' Conference in Lahore (1966) where Sheikh Mujib (president of AL) announced the Six-Point Charter.

The talent, diplomacy and boldness in Tajuddin were most clearly on display in 1971. After the March 25 crackdown and Sheikh Mujib's arrest, Tajuddin Ahmed left Dhaka and reached the Meherpur border of then Kushtia district in about three days. He, along with Barrister Amir-ul-Islam, was taken to India by Golok Mojumder, the then Inspector General of BSF (Eastern Wing), on March 31.

Everybody knows that the Mujibnagar government, in which Tajuddin took the responsibility of prime minister, was formed on April 10. The proclamation of independence was prepared by this provisional government, and was declared in public on April 17. This was the actual "Declaration of Independence," and is valid according to any rule.

It does not matter if Sheikh Mujib actually failed to declare independence before his arrest, or if Major Zia did or did not announce that on March 27. Most people of present day Bangladesh also know how Tajuddin Ahmed led the War of Liberation, and how he managed to foil the hypocrite Mustaque Ahmed's attempt to foil the struggle for freedom (by agreement with the Pakistan government).

After a nine-month long bloody war, Tajuddin's government-in-exile returned to independent Bangladesh on December 22, and started rehabilitation of the war-torn country. Sheikh Mujib, the supreme organizer of the movement towards liberation, returned to Bangladesh on January 10, 1972, via London and Delhi. Mujib himself became the prime minister, while Tajuddin was given the portfolio of planning and finance ministries.

As ill luck would have it, Mustaque's gang was successful in its conspiracy against Tajuddin. They poured venom slowly and continuously into Mujib's ears and could create a significant enough gap between Mujib and Tajuddin. This gap helped them to isolate Tajuddin from Mujib and his close circle. So when Sheikh Mujib prepared for, and declared, one party Bangladesh Krishok Sramik Awami League (Baksal), every attempt from Tajuddin to stop this anti-democratic step failed.

The Mustaque gang led the army coup of the of August 15, 1975, in which Sheikh Mujib's entire family (except the two daughters then living abroad) was eliminated at dawn on Friday -- the weekly holy day for Muslims. Within less than three months, on November 3 (again at dawn), the four national leaders, Tajuddin himself, Syed Nazrul Islam, Captain Monsur Ali and A H M Kamaruzzaman, were killed in Dhaka Central Jail.

We mourn today the sad demise of our national leaders and register a strong protest against such heinous act for the thirty-first time.

I would like to dwell on the great Tajuddin's role during Mujib's going astray, especially in 1974. As mentioned earlier, Tajuddin Ahmed was serving as the minister for finance and planning. Sheikh Mujib himself was leading the new nation as the prime minister since January 11, 1972.

According to the parliamentary form of government Sheikh Mujib had the supreme power of running all the affairs of the state. But in 1974 he planned to establish a one-party system called Bangladesh Krishok Sramik Awami League (Baksal). Learned advocate Tajuddin was against this unnecessary change. But Mujib went ahead with his plan.

For years together I thought that the reticent Tajuddin was unhappy, but he did not express it before Mujib. Mujib never listened to Tajuddin about what occurred during the Liberation War. Instead he listened to Mustaque's version. But Tajuddin's personal secretary, Mr Abu Syed Choudhury, wrote an article in the Prothom Alo Eid issue of 2005 in which he said that in September-October, 1974 Tajuddin did express his sincere views on the matter to Sheikh Mujib.

Tajuddin's telephone talk with Mujib contained some prophetic statements. Keeping Mr Syed by his side Tajuddin told Mujib: "I think I must talk to you on some important matters. You are encircled by some people in your office in a way that I would not have opportunity to talk to you there, and the environment there is also not congenial. That is why I am using this red telephone for the purpose. You are going to establish a one-party rule, but I told you many times about my reservation. Today I am registering my conclusive opinion. I do not agree to your one-party system. Please tell me why you should go this way."

Tajuddin listened for some time to what Mujib was saying. Then again he was speaking: "First, I am not convinced by your logic. Secondly, this is not my question. This is my statement. As the prime minister, you have enough power in your hands, and I think that you don't need to have a one-party system, or any other change like that. Thirdly, you and I together traversed the country for long 25-30 years, and there is no field or place where we did not go. There we delivered speeches hoping for a happy and prosperous country based on democracy. The democracy for which we talked so much will end through a single stroke of your pen, establishing a one-party system. I am very strongly disagreeing to your decision."

This time Mujib got angry. Mr Syed wrote that Mujib's fury was heard even outside the telephone receiver. But Tajuddin calmly uttered: "By taking this step you are closing all the doors to remove you peacefully from your position. Mujib Bhai, the most unfortunate event will be that the bullet will not hit you alone. We shall also be killed and the nation will plunge into danger."

The whole world saw how Tajuddin's prophecy came true within only one year. Bullets killed Mujib (and 16 more) in August. Again bullets killed the four national leaders in November, and the nation plunged into a dark period where the role of bullets prevailed over that of ballots.

Since 1991, we have an infant democracy. Calculating the age (psychologically), our democracy can be said to have completed its boyhood, and is entering adolescence. But this year again the events are proceeding in rather a bizarre way. The head of state himself is unethically following directions from a vested interest group, and there is every chance of plunging into a dark period any time.

If I can feel free to comment on the structure and fate of the vested interest group, then the prophecy is that power in too young a hand is killing the future chance of using the parental legacy. Is there anybody to listen and to understand?

MAS Molla writes on social issues.