The general realized some time back that a new Musharraf would have to be ushered in. But his problem was how to introduce him, when and where. Every actor, demagogue, or politician, has to make the entry carefully because he knows it is the timing that determines whether the different robe or the role he dons would go down well in the history of politics.

Musharraf sensed the timing when his meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was fixed at Havana. His appointment with President Bush had already been arranged. He then told his publishers in America to postpone the release of his book, In the Line of Fire. This was his testament, written to launch the new Musharraf. His calculation was that the meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President Bush would provide the ambience he had been looking for. He was determined to make both meetings a success because he had only to find the right words to mollify them.

His information was that the two leaders were disappointed, not disillusioned. Musharraf began his meeting with the premise "let bygones be bygones." This reportedly disarmed Manmohan Singh. He carried with him facts and figures about terrorist training camps and the inflow of infiltrators. But he was averse to using the data when Musharraf himself requested for a fresh start on a clean slate.

Joint anti-terrorism mechanism was Musharraf's idea. But he did not say at that time that Pakistan would also "test" India as he said in response to Manmohan Singh's statement that joint anti-terrorism was Pakistan's best chance. There was no discordant note during the hour-long talk. Musharraf was not the one to strike because his eyes were fixed on the entry of the new Musharraf.

When he met President Bush, Musharraf was on a familiar territory. Americans have a strange fascination for strong men who "keep things under control" and assure them of the restoration of democracy. The US usually has no time frame. The Pakistan president knew exactly how to placate Bush. Washington's worry was over Musharraf's deal with the tribal leaders. The deal was struck to make them stay away from North Waziristan that provided shelter to the Taliban, who are prowling around Afghanistan all the time.

Afghanistan President Hamid Karzai recently sought Pakistan's help to repel insurgents and provided him with information on location of Taliban's training camps and telephone numbers of their operation people. "Our friends from Pakistan came back to us to tell this information is old," says Karzai. "Maybe, but it means they were there." Bush was reportedly satisfied when Musharraf explained that he had reached a temporary truce with the tribal leaders and was now ready to concentrate on fighting terrorists within his country.

Bush could not have asked for more when his whole operation, starting from Afghanistan to Iraq, was primarily against terrorists. Place is the other essential part to make the right entry. Musharraf had already arranged the book's release, with UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's consent, at the UN building. Once Musharraf had Manmohan Singh and Bush in tow, he informed Annan about the date of the book's release. There could not be a better forum than the UN building, representing the 168 countries.

The world media was in full strength. He was all sugar and honey or "smooth and slippery," to use the words of the New York Times. Even his critics in Pakistan concede that Musharraf's PR was superb. The new Musharaff is more articulate, more indiscreet, even at the expense of tailoring facts. For example, his version of Kargil is different from even what foreign experts say.

India removed the Mujahideen and the Pakistan army personnel from the Kargil heights they had occupied. This could not be interpreted as Islamabad's victory. But then Musharraf knew how to project the book which represented the new Musharraf. It is selling like hot cakes all over the world but not many in Pakistan have even heard about Nawaz Sharif's book. Who is the traitor? The latter, who was then the prime minister, has a different version: Pakistan was defeated at Kargil.

Most disclosures that Musharraf has made are old hat. One has known them after visiting Pakistan. But his information that Washington had threatened to crush Pakistan after 9/11 has given a new edge to the anti-American feelings in Pakistan. True, people are incensed that Musharraf caved in within 24 hours, but they are outraged because America made such a threat.

The feeling that the US is dead against Islam has also got mixed up on this point. The new Musharraf has emerged stronger than before. Many Pakistanis have come to recognize him as an astute person compared to the brand of politicians they have. The Pakistanis also applaud him for being in full control of the army, which gives them a sense of security.

A day before the release of his book, the news went around in Pakistan that there was a coup to replace him. The failure of national power grid fuelled the rumour. It was Musharraf who declared confidently from New York that there could be no coup, even though he had been absent from the country for two weeks.

Why he wanted the old Musharraf to quit and the new Musharraf to enter is not difficult to comprehend. He wished to end the discussion on shedding uniform because of his occupying the office of president. It looks as if the debate has already lost the heat. Yet Musharraf's eyes are fixed on the election in 2007.

Although the polls in Pakistan are not above board, it helps if there is less estrangement among the electorate. Opinions in favour of Musharraf, however limited, are not going to wear out between now and the time of the election. However, the scenario could change if either of the two leaders, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, were to return to Pakistan. The new Musharraf may be talking to them behind the scenes.

India faces a piquant situation. Whether or not she can trust Musharraf is her predicament. His book conveys a message which is different from what Manmohan Singh has gathered from the meeting with Musharraf. Will bygone be bygones and will Pakistan start with a clean slate without prejudice or rancour? It all depends on whether the new Musharraf abandons the old ways of doing things.

Kuldip Nayar is an eminent Indian columnist.