The general expectation was that in view of Bangladesh's rating by Transparency International (TI) as the most corrupt country in the world for the past four years of BNP-led alliance rule, the party would respond positively to the AL's request. BNP's refusal to co-operate with the AL proposal to check unbridled corruption in the society has frustrated the Bangladeshi public, who are the very people most affected by the country's corrupt politics.

Though hardly any section of the society is free from the ignoble vice of corruption, most analysts are of the opinion that politicians top the list of the three main actors in the high corruption drama of Bangladesh, the other two being the public servants and the private corporate sector.

Since reintroduction of parliamentary democracy in 1991, running in parliamentary elections has become very costly. This is particularly true in the case of candidates seeking nominations from the two major political parties BNP and AL who have alternated power for the past 15 years. Candidates seeking nominations from political parties, in particular from the BNP and the AL, have to donate huge amounts of money to the party fund. Then, to win elections, the nominated candidate needs enough money and enough muscle. If one has enough money, muscle can then be arranged easily.

In its latest Country Assistance Strategy report the World Bank (WB), observes that elections in Bangladesh cost far more to contest in than the candidates are allowed to spend. While the expenditure ceiling is fixed at Tk 500,000, in reality this is only a fraction of the true cost spent on campaign activities. Earlier, while speaking at an international workshop on infrastructure financing in Bangladesh on August 29, 2005, WB Country Director for Bangladesh, Christine Wallich observed: "Election financing is thought to be to be a major source of corruption in Bangladesh. Some would say the major source. The cost of getting elected in Bangladesh is said to be among the highest in the world. Taka 200 billion was said to be spent by the parties for the last elections… This is about $3. 3 billion or 5 percent of GDP, a large number for a country at Bangladesh's income level."

For some countries using a multi-party democratic system, the members of parliament (MPs) are under legal obligation to submit yearly statements of their assets, their spouses and dependents to the Election Commission (EC). For example, in Pakistan, it is mandatory for every MP as well as members of provincial assemblies (MPAs) to submit yearly statements of assets and liabilities of their own, their spouses and dependents to the Election Commission (EC) under section 42A of the Representation of the People Act 1976 and section 25A of the Senate (Election) Act 1975.

The statements submitted are published in the official gazette. These statements are scrutinised and if any statement is found to be false in material particulars, the member concerned is proceeded against for committing the offence of corrupt practice. The Acts further provide that the MPs or MPAs, who fail to file the statements of assets and liabilities within the specified period, shall cease to function as members till the submission of such statements.

In Bangladesh, no government has to date taken any initiative for enactment of such a law.

In its manifesto for 2001 election, BNP pledged that if voted to power, it would take legal steps for the disclosure of assets and properties of all elected people's representatives, including the prime minister, ministers and others with the rank and status of a minister.

Thus, the question arises then, why has the BNP not taken any legal measure to fulfil its aforesaid election pledge?

First, many political analysts and observers are of the opinion that like any other political party in the country, the BNP harbours an abhorrence for transparency, whether in politics or in governance. The BNP is fully aware that in the past four years of the BNP-led alliance rule, most of the BNP ministers, lawmakers, and important party members have amassed so much wealth that it would be suicidal for the party to enact any law which would make the submission of statements of assets and liabilities of the Prime Minister, ministers, MPs, and their family members to the EC mandatory.

Second, some scholars believe that the BNP might have thought that the vast wealth amassed by the party would help it purchase votes in order to win the next general election. A large number of voters in rural and urban areas are illiterate, poor and ultra-poor, and therefore are not conscious of the value of their votes. Most of them do not bother to sell their votes for petty gains in cash. The BNP wishes to reach these voters using its vast financial resources.

Thirdly, BNP leaders may have kept in mind the saying that people's memory is proverbially short, and that they would soon forget that Bangladesh was rated by TI as the most corrupt country in the world for all the past four years of the BNP-led alliance rule. That they would forget the exorbitant prices of essentials items that have made their lives miserable.

Last but not the least, the media, both print and electronic, has got enormous influence on the people of Bangladesh in the formation of their opinion. Recently, the arrival of pro-establishment newspapers has been noticed. It is almost certain that they will have financial blessing of the BNP-led alliance in the form of advertisements or otherwise during the BNP's remaining days in power as well as during the period of caretaker government.

Furthermore, in a society where the literacy rate hovers at 50%, the electronic media, such as television and radio, exercise a great deal of influence in shaping public opinion. Fully aware of this, the BNP ministers, lawmakers and officials who have amassed huge wealth have been quick to open new private TV channels. According to media reports, out of eight private TV channels, mostly owned by the BNP officials, four are airing regular programs while the rest are running test programs. It is learnt that some more private TV channels owned by BNP ministers, lawmakers and associates will receive licences shortly. The prime minister has already asked that these private TV channel owners, who have not disclosed their sources of wealth, to highlight the ruling alliance activities to promote the interest of the ruling alliance in view of the coming general election.

The above discussion would seem to explain to a considerable extent as to why the BNP did not take any legal measure for the disclosure of assets owned by the prime minister, ministers, MPs, and their family members.

While speaking at different meetings and rallies, Khaleda Zia, Prime Minister and BNP chairperson, her son and BNP senior joint secretary Tarique Rahman, and BNP ministers are repeating the pledge that if BNP were voted to power again, eradication of corruption would gain priority. It is difficult to say how many people will repose their faith in the fresh pledge of the BNP to eradicate corruption if voted to power again. A countrywide survey recently undertaken by a powerful body shows that the BNP may win, at the most, 115 seats in the next general election. Corruption, soaring prices of essentials, and the current electricity crisis are primary reasons for the decline of support for the BNP.

M. Abdul Latif Mondal is a former Secretary to the government.