Citizens from all walks of life had been watching with mounting concern the prolonged absence of Opposition MPs from the Parliament. They have had to face a series of hartals and different types of demonstrations throughout the country. This eventually culminated in the long march to Dhaka. The Opposition organised these steps ostensibly to secure the mandate of the people for their demands.

Consequently, it was a matter of great relief when the Leader of the Opposition and others belonging to Awami League returned to the Sangsad. This discussion was welcomed both within the country and abroad. This was reflected in the many statements issued by diplomatic representatives and government functionaries.

Some skeptics however used this opportunity to point out that the 58 MPs had returned to the Parliament not so much out of their belief in a functioning Parliament, but more to protect their membership and all the privileges which accrue on them as an MP. The BNP Secretary General was particularly harsh and claimed that the Opposition had returned to the Parliament 'to fool the people.'

Nevertheless, we have seen the Leader of the Opposition presenting in her statement, a series of reform proposals pertaining to the Election Commission, the scope and extent of the activities associated with the caretaker government and also ways and means on how to improve governance in general. A very thoughtful speech, it covered significant elements that can make the Election Commission more effective and the Caretaker concept less controversial. This proposal of Sheikh Hasina was presented on 12 February without any direct TV coverage. This was also done in the absence of the Prime Minister, as she was on a good-will visit to Pakistan in her capacity as Chairperson of SAARC.

The reforms proposed by Sheikh Hasina deserve special mention:- (a) the President will appoint the Chief Adviser and other Advisers of the caretaker government on the basis of consensus and in consultation with all parties (I presume the major parties represented within the current parliament); (b) during the Caretaker regime, the President will act in all matters of State on the advice of the Chief Adviser; (c) the Defence Ministry will remain under the Caretaker Administration (as opposed to being under the President, as is the practice under the current Caretaker system); (d) jurisdiction of the caretaker government will be confined to conducting the daily business of assisting the Election Commission (i.e., will be unable to take any major policy initiative); (e) the appointment of the CEC and other Election Commissioners will be after consultation with all parties (again, Presumably the major ones in the Parliament); (f) the Election Commission will have an independent Secretariat. It will also have full financial independence and be free of control of the Executive (i.e. the Secretary of the EC Secretariat will be accountable only to the CEC and not the Establishment Division, from where he has been posted on deputation); (g) the voter list will be prepared maintaining complete transparency; (h) transparent ballot boxes will have to be arranged with serial numbers; (i) there will have to be careful monitoring of electoral expenses and submission of an expenditure statement by candidates to ensure that existing rules have not been flouted, (j) there will be a ban on 'religion based' politics and (k) there will have to be an increase in the number of women's reserved seats in Parliament on the basis of direct elections.

Since then, we have watched in dismay the lack of any serious response to the Opposition's proposals. Instead of understanding there has been attrition.

The dearth of cooperation across the divide became apparent immediately afterwards on 16 February. The ruling BNP rejected all the demands placed by the Awami League MPs for holding discussion in Parliament of various serious issues -- the August 21 grenade attack, the Kibria killing case, the serial bomb blasts, extra-ordinary price hike of essentials, crisis of diesel, fertiliser and power, corruption, law and order situation, mass arrest and the recent Kansat carnage. A meeting of the Treasury Bench dominated Business Advisory Committee (BAC), chaired by the Speaker, after heated debate, decided that no discussion will be held on any specific issue as demanded by the Opposition MPs. The BAC meeting however agreed to extend the tenure of the Jatiya Sangsad session by five workdays till February 28.

Here was a classic case of give and take -- mostly taking away rights of the Opposition through brutal majority.

Subsequently, evaporation of amity continued. On 19 February after her return from Pakistan, the Prime Minister, during her address in Bhola suggested that the Opposition did not believe in democracy. It was also mentioned that the Opposition, through conspiratorial methods, was trying to undermine the democratic process and the continuity of economic development. There were also hints that if the Opposition came to power, then the country might become a 'client state'.

Coming from the Leader of the House, this was indeed a very serious charge. One does not know whether such allegations can be substantiated. If the government has any proof of such activity, then the person concerned should be brought to trial. If not, then such accusations should not be made. It will be wise on the part of the government not to create credibility gaps through such superficial assertions.

Unfortunately, we have not witnessed any identification of least common denominators within the parliamentary process over the last few weeks of the session. Instead of serious examination and consideration of the proposals presented in the Parliament by the Leader of the Opposition, we have had heated debates which at times bordered on indecency. On 23 February, unparliamentary language was used and that did not enhance the image of the parliamentarians.

On 28 February, during the concluding session, the Prime Minister ultimately responded to the Leader of the Opposition. She refused to examine the proposals in detail. Instead, after a long statement, she perfunctorily proposed the formation of a Parliamentary Committee, composed of representatives from both sides of the House to examine the suggestions made by the Opposition. She conveniently avoided explaining how the Committee would function, the procedural nature of its mandate or the time frame within which it was expected to submit its recommendations -- all important elements, given the few months that are left before this government has to hand over its powers to the Caretaker Administration.

Our friends -- the USA, Canada, Japan, the EU and the Commonwealth Secretariat -- have been suggesting for quite some time that the Opposition highlight their concerns within the Parliament. This has been done. Nothing, as yet, has, however, come out of it. I guess, the Opposition will now be advised to be patient by our development partners.

This latest parliamentary session has come and gone. It appears that the ruling Alliance has forgotten that the Members of Parliament are present in the House to consider, debate, discuss, modify, amend, accept and vote on proposals submitted by either side. That is the essence of democracy. It is this process which needs to be strengthened.

The government must understand that, consistent with the vision of democracy, comes the responsibility of making the Parliament an effective tool -- a suitable institution for this process.

The ball, figuratively, is now in the court of the Leader of the House. The administration must appreciate that total indifference on their part can only exacerbate an already tense situation. It might even lead to en masse resignation of Opposition MPs.

That will make things even more complex.

The need of the hour is flexibility and not rigidity. Let the majority display wisdom in the treatment of these issues. They have a historical opportunity.

The government will otherwise continue to face charges of election engineering and pre-meditated fraud unless the right steps are undertaken. The government must not forget that we are today at the crossroads of our existence.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador who can be reached at [email protected].