Belying the expectations of the pipe dreamers Yassir Arafat is still ubiquitous through his legacy while the peace process is in limbo. That his legend dies hard is focussed by the speech of Bill Clinton, the former US President who while commemorating Yitztak Rabin's assassination a decade before attacked the late Palestinian President "for his colossal blunder" in failing to seize the opportunity of peace settlement at Camp David. However, the Clinton's version of the story is not incontrovertible according to those who were privy to Camp David episode in 2000. As per their assessment Israel's peace offer, of course, backed by the US was neither as generous nor final as has been painted by Clinton.

The matter of fact was that in Camp David when pressed by President Clinton to sign virtually a dotted document that offered an unlivable, disconnected Bantustan, an euphemism for the Palestinians' future ghettoisation in the name of an independent Palestinian state, a defiant Yassir Arafat refused to yield. That's what was later touted as Arafat's missed opportunity. Ever since the West was in search of someone with whom it could do business. In other words it looked for one who would do what Arafat refused to do.

Arafat hardly dithered when faced with the imperative of peace, even if he was criticised by the hardliners for his 'Oslo surrender' although he always tactfully retained the option of an armed struggle. His peace overture was once hailed by none other than Clinton as the peace of the brave. But after the Camp David fiasco in 2000 and Sharon's provocative Al-Aqsa visit he showed same courage in destroying a perfidious Oslo process by initiating second Intifada. Soon the contending parties were back to the brink in a bloody welter of Israel's targeted killings and the Palestinians' suicide bombings.

Arafat's critics inside and outside the Arab world could however suggest no alternative as the Palestinians lost, after the demise of cold war, the Soviet countervailing force to balance US-Israeli designs vis-a-vis the Arab world. They also lost Arab financial help after Arafat lent support to Saddam Hussain during the first Gulf war. Even before that the Palestinians were on retreat after being driven out of their bases in Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon. In the meantime Arafat also lost, to an extent, the grip on his people; for more assertive, more militant leadership emerged from the Hamas and Islamic Jihad who had more intoxicating appeal. In fact, Arafat was a forlorn leader licking his wound in distant Tunis when the first Intifada broke out in late eighties.

Notwithstanding his serious predicaments the expectations from him was indeed great. Because it was he who gave the Palestinians in Diaspora a sense of identity and freed them from being used for long as pawns in inter-Arab feud. He epitomised unflinching resolve and remained steadfast to his cause despite many reverses. It was his incredible courage and conviction that endeared him to his people and despite his apparent failures to wrest the occupied lands from the Israeli oppressors he retains a unique place in Arab history -- only paralleled by Egypt's Gamal Nasser.

All said and done there was an orderly and peaceful transfer of authority in the state as well as in political organisation after Arafat's death. It seemed to be in conformity with the desires of the peace brokers -- ostensibly jubilant at Arafat's exit from the scene. Mr Mahmoud Abbas, incidentally the West's betennoire was unanimously accepted as PLO chief while Mr Faruk Kadoumi became the chief of PLO's Fatah wing. There was no power struggle and the legitimacy of the two leaders to their positions was recognised. Mr. Abbas was the man behind Oslo peace process and was acting as PLO chief during Arafat's illness, while Mr. Kadoumi, even though living in Tunisia was named by Arafat as Fatah chief during his life time. Then in January this year Abbas was elected president of PA (Palestinian Authority).

Meanwhile, Prime Minister Ahmad Qorei, nominated as prime minister by Arafat in September 2003 was accepted as such by president Abbas. Mr. Qorei formed a new cabinet in February this year and won a vote of confidence from the legislative council. In another positive development the Hamas which boycotted the presidential election now decided to participate in parliamentary election. Even if Hamas' return to mainstream politics was seen as a positive sign from the point of view containing violence, Ariel Sharon unfortunately refused to help the electoral process in West Bank which is still under Israeli occupation.

Yet the prevailing scenario provides an ideal setting for the peace process to take off afresh but for the nagging intransigence of authorities in Israel bent upon total halt to violence as a precondition. In an interplay of Middle East's complex conflict dynamics it is a chimera not to be seen in reality. No wonder the peace process has not moved even an inch forward and is bogged down in Israel's same old refrain. And it will never move unless Israel abandons its desire of greater Israel subsuming in it their Biblical Judea and Samaria. As ever, the biggest problem of the lands held sacred by both sides have too much history and not enough geography.

For all of his greatness Arafat also made monumental mistakes that brought his people misery. History will record the failings and shortcomings of Arafat, but its verdict will be charitable. For no leader poised against such formidable odds did so much and yet did not compromise on the principles and continued until his last breath to struggle for a homeland for Palestinians.

Brig ( retd) Hafiz is former DG of BIISS.