President Bush has claimed that their entry brings 'moral clarity to the purposes' of NATO. What he probably forgot to mention was that their inclusion also expands the representative aspect of NATO, not only in Afghanistan but also potentially in Iraq.

NATO Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer has already indicated that NATO is willing to play a military role in Iraq if so authorised by a new UN Security Council Resolution. He has also added the proviso that such a step has to be welcomed by the Iraqi Governing Council which takes over political control after 30 June. It may be mentioned in this context that according to the Coalition Occupying Authority in Baghdad, 18 NATO countries already have forces in Iraq in their individual capacities.

Having NATO formally in Iraq would indeed be a major step. NATO has been divided over the war in Iraq. France and Germany, two of NATO's key members opposed the war. Spanish public opinion against the war has also been reflected last month in the national elections.

One thing is clear. Whatever be the eventual scenario, NATO's role in the world is changing. It started with peacekeeping in Afghanistan and is now slowly growing. This is being encouraged as US policymakers see such a strategy as being helpful for them in their fight against terror.

NATO has had to face up to challenges that have arisen out of the rapid transformation of the security environment and the spread of global terrorism. NATO has tried to live up to these changes by taking on new roles, both in terms of scope and areas of operations. Military engagements have moved beyond the Alliance's traditional boundaries. This has increased the need to expand NATO's capabilities to include means to carry out expeditionary missions, peacekeeping, conflict prevention, crisis management and nation-building.

NATO forces are now being trained in such a way that they are able to react effectively to the evolving circumstances. The strategy is that they should be available for deployment in a matter of days and also be self-sustainable. The new NATO Response Force, currently being formed has been the Alliance's response to these new realities. Such a step has been taken with the belief that the Alliance represents the only true international security forum with the military might to support its political objectives wherever it chooses to operate.

This new determination of NATO has been exemplified in Afghanistan.

The recent meeting on Afghanistan in Germany has seen NATO leadership taking credit for transforming Afghanistan from a 'failed state' to a barrier to extremism and fundamentalism. NATO acknowledges that Afghanistan is still plagued by the lack of a central, effective, democratically elected government. They however believe that NATO and the international community can resolve most of the problems in that country.

NATO's role in Afghanistan has evolved progressive, with the gradual assumption of full strategic coordination in August 2003. NATO's ISAF mission has forced the Alliance to undergo internal adjustment. They have also had to address cultural and religious sensitivities and dispel misperceptions of foreign occupation.

ISAF's mandate has included the providing of second-tier support to enhance stability and security until Afghanistan starts to truly function under full Afghan ownership in accordance with the agenda agreed upon at the Bonn Conference in 2001. NATO strategists now believe that Afghanistan can become a self-sustaining, moderate country with a democratically elected and broad-based government able to exercise its authority throughout the country with NATO's assistance.

NATO believes that the presence of its 6,100 troops has boosted confidence among Afghan authorities, facilitated the work of other organisations and also assured necessary security in Kabul and its immediate surroundings.

The situation on the ground outside Kabul however appears to be still largely fluid. This, in all likelihood, has led to the elections being wisely postponed till September. This will permit replication of NATO's cantonment process whereby all heavy weapons are collected in specific zones. This, analysts think, will ensure a safe environment for holding of the elections.

Consistent with this measure, NATO is also giving special stress on demilitarisation efforts through their existing Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs). The concept of PRT appears to be still evolving the regional diversities. NATO thinks this will succeed if they can develop a coherent strategic approach, with a single basic structural framework, that respects regional and local variants. NATO leadership of PRTs intends to establish stability, coordinate with regional and central government as far as it exists and facilitate reconstruction efforts.

However, there are still a number of basic benchmarks which have to be met before proper elections can be held in Afghanistan. These are -- formulation of an electoral law, introduction of a campaign to raise awareness on voting rights and demarcation of voting districts. Without these in place, it will be a difficult exercise.

It is true that more than 1.5 million people have already registered for the elections in the Kabul region. There is nevertheless, a strong doubt as to whether full voter registration can be achieved by election day. One presumes that NATO can play a very useful role here. It may seriously consider ensuring the security for the overall electoral process. The holding of free and fair elections carry a high political return not only for Afghanistan but also later for Iraq. This will also add new momentum to the final agreement of the Afghan constitution. It will also convince regional leaders of the benefit of such a vote, need for a centralised government and increased political dialogue.

The completion of the above steps are important if local militia has to be disarmed. This is indeed a big problem because of the numbers involved. Nearly 100,000 people are said to be organised in the form of militias in Afghanistan. Comparably, the country's army has only 8,000 soldiers. The militias are also largely well-equipped with heavy machinery acquired during the war with the Soviet Union and pose a threat to the central government. It is understood that the international community has agreed to accelerate the decommissioning in three phases, to be finally concluded by June 2005. It is being hoped that such militia will be substituted with a larger national army.

Given past history of Afghanistan, such a plan might work, but, in my opinion, the best policy against the spread of militia activity would be the establishment of a democratically and fairly elected central government that gives different tribes an equal role in sharing responsibility for the country's future. If this is not done, no plan can succeed.

Another major problem that NATO intends to tackle is the implementation of a comprehensive plan pertaining to drugs. One presumes that narcotics and the drug trade is one of the major issues. It assumes a great degree of concern because 75 percent of the world's drugs originate from Afghanistan. NATO has decided to assist the government by extending technical support with regard to the existing judicial system, drug law enforcement and introduction of alternative farming. This will definitely help. Poppy has a strong attraction as a cash crop, the marketing of whose produce requires little effort. Unless a suitable alternative is found, the problem will not be removed.

The recent Aid Consortium meeting in Germany has also made it quite clear that the reconstruction of Afghanistan's infrastructure rests greatly on the reopening and the full functioning of Kabul's international airport. Consistent with this view, it has been decided to bring it under NATO-led management. That indicates basic trust of the international community in NATO. Without security, rehabilitation of infrastructure will be difficult.

All these steps might help, but NATO and Alliance partners must also remember that full security in Afghanistan will not be possible without accompanying social reforms, economic change and improvements in basic health care. As long as these goals are not met, the situation will remain volatile.

The international community has reaffirmed its commitment to Afghan reconstruction at the International Conference, but pledging funds is one thing and actual disbursement another. Unless this factor is streamlined, future progress will be marginal.

Afghanistan as a whole needs a new vision of itself as a multi-ethnic, democratic, multi-lingual and modern country. Education will be vital in achieving this goal: That is the only long-term solution. To achieve this, there has to be unity of purpose and complete collaboration between NATO and other international organisations. The EU and UN have to facilitate such collaborative efforts.

Muhammad Zamir is a former Secretary and Ambassador.