Historically, the urge for 'democratic governance' has been instrumented through political demands by number and the number has varied over time. The earliest of such demands by number date back to the early fifties. It was then 21-point demands against the then ruling Muslim League government. The 21-point demand was also the election manifesto of the United Front of different political parties.

The next and of more momentous importance in our political history was the formulation of 6-point demand by the Awami League (AL) in 1966. This demand was against the ruling military backed government of the Muslim League (Convention) party led by Field Marshal Ayub Khan. The people of Bangladesh rose as one man in support of realising the 6-point demand which was basically a framework of sharing of political powers between the then East and West Pakistan. To curb the movement for 'democratic governance', the then Pakistan witnessed a second martial law government in 1969 led by General Yahya Khan. The eventual result was the holocaust of 1971 and the emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign and independent republic.

Between the years 1972 and 1981, politics of demands by number appear to have gone into oblivion. A key feature of the state of politics during that period is that despite absence of demands by number, constitutional amendments were effected first to have more or less a totalitarian state through the establishment of one-party rule. Second, amendments were also made through proclamation orders issued by the then martial law governments. The concept and practice of 'democratic governance' was thus discarded.

By Act II of 1975, article 11 relating to democracy and human rights was amended. The requirements of governing the republic through effective participation by the people through their elected representatives in administration at all levels were struck off. This was restored in 1991.

In 1982, the country again witnessed a second martial law under General Ershad. His rule covered the period from 1982 to 1990. It was during this period that politics of demand by number became a key feature. It was after 1982, that the political parties grouped into 15- and 7-party alliances to fight against the military government of General Ershad. The politics of demand by number started then. However, it was not until the late 1990 that such demands took substantive shape through the alliances of political parties.

In November 1990, a Joint Declaration, in the form of a consensus document of major political parties, was announced. The major demands included:
*Establishment of a 'sovereign' Parliamentary and rejection of Presidential system of government;
* An accountable government;
* Restoration of the rule of law and the independence of judiciary;
* Repeal of all "black laws" that are inconsistent with fundamental rights;
* Freedom of the press and conversion of state-owned radio and television into autonomous, independent entities.

The movement based on political demands by number did lead to the downfall of General Ershad, but substantive benefits as outlined in the demands had remained unrealized. This is so despite successive elected governments since 1991 till date. The number game centering on political demands has reappeared.

Recent number game
The most recent initiative to revive the number game of political demands has been taken by AL. On January 10, 2004, in a grand rally in Dhaka, it had announced a 15-point charter of demands. A week later, the Jatiyo Party (JP), led by General Ershad, had announced a 12-point charter of demands. Some parties with leftist leanings have also voiced some demands. It is necessary to examine the numbers and the substance of such demands in order to see commonality of purpose and understanding among different parties.

It appears from the press reports on demands of AL and JP that there are at least six areas in which these parties have an identity of interest. The areas include curbing corruption, abolition of Gram Sarker, and separation of judiciary from the executive, withdrawal of 'false' cases against party men, ensuring freedom of mass media and restoring Ekushe Television. In case of withdrawal of 'false' cases JP's demands are more personalised in that it calls for withdrawal of cases against Ershad.

AL under each of the 15-point charter of demands has also more than one demand. One of the 15 demands relates to political and constitutional reforms that aim at ensuring accountability of the non-party caretaker government, bringing about transparency in electoral process etc.

JP has also demands for such reforms but areas are different. The areas include introduction of provinces under provincial governments, bicameral legislature and restoration of the Upazila system. It is necessary to look at the demands commonly voiced by both the parties to find out their public appeal. Except for an effective anti-corruption measure, separation of judiciary from the executive and ensuring freedom of the mass media, the citizens in general may not have much interest. In respect of withdrawal of 'false' cases against party men, this will have appeal among the rank and file of the party. However, some of the specific demands voiced by AL have wider appeal. These include eradication of terrorism or overall improvement in law and order situation, reduction in the cost of living, depoliticisation of administration and increase in employment opportunities. The AL has lately announced one-point demand which is the fall of the government.

With regard to JP's political and constitutional reform proposals involving provinces, bicameral legislature etc, the public in general may not have much interest. They are already disillusioned with one Parliament. Similar is likely to be the case with AL's reform proposals on non-party caretaker government.

Other parties such as the Workers Party and the Communist Party have limited political following. The demands of these parties range from reforms in parliamentary representation to creation of jobs for the jobless. Political and constitutional reforms are long-term issues. The immediate issues of popular appeal are private and personal security, fairness in the dispensation of law, reduction in prices of essentials and creation of more livelihood opportunities both in the rural and urban areas.

It is too early to say whether the politics of number game centering on demands will eventually lead to a consensus on political programme as it did in late 1990. There is no doubt, however, that the political climate is warming up but is yet to be a global warming. The process of warming up started with B Chowdhury's call for support of the civil society organisations and his further call to prevent Bangladesh from sliding towards a 'failed state'. B. Chowdhury had announced the formation of 'alternative stream of politics' involving the resignation of two members of parliament. This has evoked sharp and violent reactions from interested quarter (The Daily Star, March 12, 2004). Another stream in this process is spearheaded by Kamal Hossain who was once an Awami Leaguer. He has formed what is called Oikya Prochesta. In some respects, the issues raised by both these leaders have something in common in that they want an end to the state of bad governance. It has announced a 17-point charter of demands (The Daily Star, March 15, 2004). Kamal Hossain was joined by a number of other political parties except the AL. Some civil society organisations also attended the convention called by him. Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed, a former President known for his complete aloofness from politics, had sent a written message indicating perhaps his moral support to the convention on national unity. It is too early to predict the shape of things to come.

The lessons from the number game since 1954 tend to indicate that not only are the numbers but also substance of demands totally forgotten once there is a change in political authority. It is a tragic tale of promises meant to be broken. The question for all of us is: should political unrest continue alongwith a highly deteriorating situation of law and order on a continuing basis? Unfortunately, the law-abiding citizens have little choice. They have to wait till the next elections to vote for a government. This is because the concept, let alone practice of mid-term polls, is totally alien to the political culture of Bangladesh. The culture is one of intolerance rather than tolerance, one of continuing violence rather than security of life and property.

A M M Shawkat Ali is former Secretary, Ministry of Agriculture.